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Race relations in Brazil are best understood as
Race relations in Brazil are best understood
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The effects of this in the Brazilian mentality can be seen in a survey conducted in the years before the Vargas regime, where attitudes towards race and immigration show that “while 97 percent of those queried favored continued immigration of Europeans to Brazil, preferably Italians, Germans, and Portuguese, only 45 percent would permit Asiatics to enter” (Levine 21) and that “although virtually all respondents paid homage to the value of the Negro’s services rendered as slave and free laborer, only 18 percent declared their willingness to permit black immigration.” (Levine 21, 22) This demonstrates how other races were not only marginalized and excluded from political and social participation, but the state under Vargas also attempted to eradicate the country of their presence. This can also be seen in the “…undercurrent of xenophobia and anti-Semitism [that] rose to the surface in the early 1930s, particularly among those members of the …show more content…
intellectual elite…” (Levine 21) that echoed Lucio Costas thoughts on selective immigration. Additionally, although government officials and people in power agreed with this train of thought, most “… [remained] silent on the issue publicly, but [attacked] Jewish activities in their private correspondence.” (Levine 21) Which demonstrates that although the members of the elite knew that they were not acting ethically, they were still willing to carry out their plan of perfecting the Brazilian Caucasian race by eliminating those other races which would contaminate their purity. Thus, an analysis of the Obra Getuliana will describe the socially hygienic utopia that this “white” elite envisioned and attempted to create through the employment of eugenic techniques (López-Durán), which later culminated in the construction of the new capital, Brasilia, during Juscelino Kubitschek’s presidency (Alexander).
The 1933-1934 Constituent Assembly was dominated by Xenophobic thought, which allowed for “physician Miguel Couto, armed with extensive pseudo-scientific data, [to condemn] non-European immigration, particularly Japanese.” (Levine 21) “and set a quota for Japanese immigrants at 2,711 persons annually, a reduction of 82 percent from” the previous decade’s (Levine 26). This exemplifies the way the science of eugenics was used to effectively marginalize the non-white Brazilian sector of society (López-Durán) and target the other races in the country, even those that were not biological entities, but rather socio-political categories established in the country as a result of social relationships of
power.
‘Ochres’ performed by Bangarra Dance Theatre is a work choreographed by Stephen Page. ‘Ochres’ is performed in four sections, Yellow, Black, White and Red. Each section represents a different aspect of the aboriginal culture and its meaning. ‘Red’ demonstrates the youth, the obsession, the poison and the pain involved with the customs, laws and values associated with the relationship of men and women. Page was born in the working class suburban area of Mount Gravatt along with his other 11 siblings. Page is of descent of the Nunukul people and the Munaldjali clan of the Yugambeh tribe from South East Queensland ("Stephen Page | Bangarra Dance Theatre", 2016). He choreographed works for his high school concerts showing potential from a young age. At the age of 16 he joined the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Legal Service as a law clerk. This gave him an immense knowledge of the black legal cultural and political
Anti-Semitism is the hatred and discrimination of those with a Jewish heritage. It is generally connected to the Holocaust, but the book by Helmut Walser Smith, The Butcher’s Tale shows the rise of anti-Semitism from a grassroots effect. Smith uses newspapers, court orders, and written accounts to write the history and growth of anti-Semitism in a small German town. The book focuses on how anti-Semitism was spread by fear mongering, the conflict between classes, and also the role of the government.
Winter, J. (2002, Jan). The Death of American Antisemitism by Spencer Blakeslee. American Sociological Association. Retrieved Mar 2, 2014, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3089419
Slavery as it existed in colonial Brazil contained interesting points of comparison and contrast with the slave system existing in British North America. The slaves in both areas had been left with very little opportunity in which he could develop as a person. The degree to which the individual rights of the slave were either protected or suppressed provides a clearer insight to the differences between North American and Brazilian slavery. The laws also differed greatly between the two areas and have been placed into three categories: term of servitude, police and disciplinary powers, and property and other civil rights.
The purpose of this paper is to recognize, study and analyze the race relations in Brazil. Race relations are relations between two groups of different races; it is how these two different races connect to each other in their environment. Since Brazil is racially diverse, this study is focused on how Brazilians relate to each other. Throughout the essay, it will become clear that there exists a conflict between two race groups. Afro-Brazilians and White-Brazilians are not connected and though these two groups converse with each other, discrimination still lies within the society. This discrimination has created inequality within the society for Afro-Brazilians. Thus, this paper will not only focus on racism and discrimination that Afro-Brazilians experience because of White-Brazilian, but also on the history of Brazil, the types if discrimination that Afro-Brazilian must endure today and how the media creates discrimination.
The article “Leaving Omelas: Questions of Faith and Understanding,” by Jerre Collins, draws attention to the fact that the short story “The Ones Who Walk Away from Omelas,” by Ursula Le Guin, has not impacted Western thought despite its literary merit. Collins breaks his article down into three parts, the first explaining that he will “take this story as seriously as we are meant to take it” (525). Collins then goes over several highly descriptive sections of the story, which invite the reader to become part of the utopia that is Omelas. Collins states that when it comes to the state of the child and how it affects the citizens of Omelas the descriptions “may seem to be excessive and facetious” (527). But this is because Le Guin is using a
Half large armies, half democracies, Quilombos were multiethnic communities that were remarkably resistant to Portuguese invasions. Carlos Diegues’ Quilombos depicts the rise and fall of Palmares, as told through the epic battles of great heroes, the self sacrifice of black slaves, and the victory against both racism and slavery. In part, this movie is about creating a history of the transfer of African culture to the Americas. The institution of slavery, which lasted longer in Brazil than most colonies, is the very basis for mythologizing stories through the use of factual history as a context for fantasy. Thus, this film is not simply a history of a slave community attempting to recreate Africa. It is the early history of Brazil, and because of this, the film redefines Brazilian national identity through myth and fantasy intertwined with the gruesome and oppressive history of Afro-Brazilian
When Gilberto Freyre present his theory of racial democracy in Brazil, he struck gold. His theory became the primary mechanism by which the country could exist under the idealized notion that racism did not exist because Brazil was a colorblind nation. Racial democracy permitted the Brazilian government to ignore massive repression under the veil of a racist free country. However, in 2001 the veil was uncovered as conversations proposing affirmative action policies in public university turned the entire idea of a colorblind society on its head. Naturally, Brazilians divided as opponents clung onto ideas of racial democracy and proponents took advantage of this opportunity to spark larger conversations on racial discrimination. In 2002, these
...tem. These traits are typical of what has happened throughout history when normal people become subordinate to new and oppressive bureaucracies. It seems that all a treacherous government needs in order to normalize the most disgusting violations of basic human rights is a convincing façade of efficiency. It could be said that the American Dream plays that role in current American society, that it is purely a façade to blind our eyes to the larger system. If the system succeeds in preventing people from gaining awareness of the larger picture, and indeed further compartmentalizes every aspect of life, the line between just and false laws become blurred. Gilliam uses “Brazil” to bring these often overlooked problems with government to the forefront of his viewer’s mind, making apparent that no element of human life is safe from this type of unconscious degeneration.
Anti-Semitism: Jews Face a Widening Web of Hate Abraham H. Foxman discusses what he believes is ever growing anti-Semitism in the United States, as well as the world. Foxman proposes that public view has become less concerned with anti-Semitism, and “such complacency is dangerous.” Foxman suggests there are new forms of anti-Semitism compared to 1930’s when the Nazi party targeted millions of Jews. Jews have been continually targets of violence since the Holocaust. Synagogues have been attacked, and communities have faced intimidation and vandalism through anti-Semitic graffiti.
Pinheiro P. S., 2002, The Paradox of Democracy in Brazil vol. III, issue 1, University of Sao Paulo
Getulio Vargas could be the most important protagonist of Brazil’s twentieth century history. He came to power in a 1930 coup that signalled the end of the Brazilian’s first republic, then as a dictator in an authoritarian regime (The Estado Novo 1937-1945). He brought social and economic changes that helped modernize the country. Hentshke stated that “Vargas was the moderniser of the economy, unifier of the nation, organiser of the state and father of the poor”. To what extent is this quotation a true description of Getulio Vargas and the military years.
In Symbolic Conflicts, Deadly Consequences: Fights between Italians and Blacks in Western Sao Paulo this is evident when the Italian Antonio
The Japanese migrants did not fit into the racial paradigm of the Brazilian national identity that was composed of black, white, and indigenous races, which created a problem for the Brazilians who encouraged their arrival. They now had to convince others that the inclusion of these non-white people into their lands was a positive asset, made harder due to prejudice that existed towards those of Asian descent. Zelideth Maria Rivas writes of how one man began doing so, “Amândio Sobral’s coverage of the Japanese immigrants’ arrival to Brazil was an important step in portraying them as a worthwhile investment for Brazilian plantation owners: they were orderly, responsible, robust, sweet, sociable, cleaner than Europeans, and, most important, not an inferior race.” (Rivas, 2011) The Japanese were then inducted into the Brazilian national identity as a model minority as what Rivas calls them, “the whites of Asia.”
For Jews, persecution sprang not only from political inferiority but rigidly enforced social inferiority as well. Jews faced widespread and systemic racism and persecution. For example, the majority ethnic groups were discouraged from supporting the Jewish economy, thus intentionally ostracizing them in all facets of society. (Arab and Zionists Struggle over Palestine, 167) As Herzl stated, “nations in whose midst Jews live are all either covertly or openly Anti-Semitic.”