The role of the longhouse in Iroquois society goes beyond the physical structure of the household. To understand the affects and underlying causes of longhouse structural change, one must understand the societal and cultural significance of the built environment in Iroquois everyday life. The longhouse was a category of material culture with which one’s role in the society was produced (Birch 2012). The structure of everyday life, including kin relationships, inheritance, prestige, and even political power were symbolically embodied in the longhouse (O’Gorman 2010). Some postulate that the significance of the longhouse was so integral to structuring Iroquois society that it was essential to the interactions and boundary-forming practices that …show more content…
make social life possible(Creese 2012). The most prevalent and studied role of the longhouse is its role in the Iroquois system of matriliny. Descent was directed through the female line, and settlement was matrilocal. The longhouse itself became both the real and symbolic location of kin that knit together Iroquois society (Kapches in Kerber 2007). Additionally, for the League Iroquois, the longhouse was a symbol of the confederacy. The geographic location of each tribe was likened to a position within the longhouse. The --- were the keepers of the eastern door, the ---- the west, and the Onondaga the keepers of the central fire. Much of the political imagery of the Iroquois was an extension of the physical structure of the longhouse (O’Gorman 2010). Though the longhouse has cultural and societal importance among the Ontario Iroquois as described above, there is no indication of the political significance to the extent found among the League. (Kaphes in Kerber 2007) There are certain physical aspects that are typical of traditional longhouses from both the League and Ontario. The longhouse had a nonspecific interior, meaning that activities could be carried out anywhere within. Each traditional longhouse was about as tall as it was wide, with smaller posts interlaced with sheets of bark making up the outer walls. Inside, larger posts held up the roof along a central corridor. Horizontal supports between the larger interior posts held up platform benches that ran along both sides of the house. Central hearths were dispersed along the central corridor, with nuclear families occupying the space on each side. For example, a longhouse with five central hearths would be home to ten nuclear families and possibly over 50 people. At the rounded ends of each longhouse were cubicle storage areas. A range of activities were conducted in the longhouse, including sleeping, food preparation and storage, preparation and storage of tools and goods, childbirth, death, ceremonies, and political meetings. As we begin to delve into specific examples of longhouse change, it important to understand the concept of spatial dynamics, as elaborated by Mima Kapches (1990).
Kapches proposes that spatial dynamics do not develop randomly, but are a representation of increased social control over the physical layout of the space. Kapches studied the social role spatial dynamics among Ontario Iroquoian longhouses. She found that the frequency of the organized space indicated increased control of the matrilocal residence pattern over the built environment. By analyzing the structural dynamics of Iroquois longhouses in the archaeological record, Kapches proposes that one can narrate societal changes and developments. The pre-contact period is characterized by the coalescence of communities in both the Ontario and League areas of the Iroquois. The expansion of fortified villages and increasing size of longhouses is evident in sites such as the Draper Village. Though the structures grew in length- some reaching over 100 meters- the village area per person decreased, causing a higher population density within the village. The longhouses at the Draper site also show an increase in the amount of organized space and regularity of the spatial dynamics (Birch …show more content…
2012). Longhouse length peaks in the 15th century and declines thereafter into the protohistoric period. This decline in length also seems to occur with a decrease in organized space, as seen in the late protohistoric Ball site of the Huron. The structures of the Ball site vary greatly in their length and organization, a sharp departure from the Draper site. Though there is less organization of the interior of the longhouses, the location and arrangement of the structures seems to have been more carefully planned than that of the Draper site (Knight 1987). The historic period continues the trend toward more variable house sizes that began the century before. The occupation of the Ball site into historic times (ca AD 1615) may shed light on the early impacts of Europeans. One unique structure at the site, House 37, exhibits right angle corners, an addition, and few pits along the bench area. Because this site is said to be one where Champlain and a Priest named LeCaron wintered at, some theorize that this house was built for the Europeans and not native at all. Some, however, believe that this house may be a native architectural interpretation of European houses; a structure built in an Iroquoian village in the European fashion (Kapches in Kerber 2007). By 1675, Onondaga and Mohawk Iroquoian longhouses had shrunk to around four hearths each, the shortest average length in the past two centuries (Bradley 2001, Snow 2001). The historic period also saw the appearance of what has been termed the “Short Longhouse,” a prime example of which comes from the 18th century Seneca Townley-Read site. The house is built in traditional styles, with the posts, benches and central hearths typical of traditional longhouses, but is much shorter in length and has a lower density of wall posts. The lower density of these posts is suggestive of the use of new siding materials instead of bark. The possible use of logs, timbers, or planks for siding for the short longhouse may indicate European influence, and could even indicate the beginning of the transition to log cabin style dwellings seen in the late historic period. The 18th century Iroquois experience major settlement change. The increased encroachment of Europeans and then the Revolutionary war disrupted the political and economic systems of the Iroquois. The traditional longhouses are eventually abandoned in favor of European style cabins, though the earlier built cabins still retained the central hearths. The villages of longhouses broke up into dispersed settlements of cabins, usually as farmsteads along river flats (Snow 2001). Returning to the idea of spatial dynamics, one can find correlations between organized space and longhouse length between the time of the Draper site and the Ball site. The Draper site, a prehistoric coalescent community within which longhouses grew to massive proportions, shows a high degree of internal organization. The Ball site, discussed previously as experiencing a decline in longhouse length in late proto-historic times, also experiences a decrease in spatial organization. This site shows a divergence from the usual settlement pattern and variability of structures (Kapches 1990). The peak in longhouse length most likely indicates the height of social organization among the Iroquois. In prehistoric and into proto-historic times, small communities were coalescing into heavily fortified defensible villages. Longhouses were expanded to include ever-growing matrilineal clans that controlled the social and political organization within the village. Arguably, the more structured society required by high density populations is reflected in the massive longhouse structures and organized space of this time period, and the decline of this society is similarly reflected in the decrease in length and organization seen in the later period of the Ball site and into the historic period. The stresses brought about by increasing contact with Europeans and conflict among themselves and outsiders stressed the Iroquois societies in both the League and Ontario. At the confederacy level, this stress caused the Iroquois to fracture into components, changing residential patterns (Bradley 2001). The massive migration and reorganization among the Ontario Iroquois after the creation of the League seems to have fractured large family groups and necessitated the beginning of the shift to smaller family residences. The matrilineal and matrilocal system was still a major part of Iroquois society at this time, but some argue that the decrease in longhouse size indicates a shift toward the importance of clans in structuring local politics instead of the households (Birch 2012). It isn’t until the 18th century and the beginning of economic change does one see the matrilineal aspect of the Iroquois start to fall apart. Though societal and cultural changes were occurring throughout the contact and historic periods, it is the changes in the late historic and reservation periods that are the most profound.
The abandonment altogether of the traditional longhouse in favor of log cabins indicates a massive reorganization of society. The disruption of traditional subsistence patterns caused by the Revolutionary war and the relocation of League Iroquoian people disrupted the matrilineal system (McCarthy 2010, Shoemaker 1991). An increasing economic importance of European-speaking males among the native groups and their insistence on a neolocal residence pattern played a major role in the breakup of traditional longhouses. The movement onto reservations required a less mobile economy and eventually the adoption of cabins on dispersed farmsteads (Snow 2001). It is important to note, however, that though the physical structure of the longhouse was abandoned, its symbolic meaning played a key role in the cultural stability of some of the tribes- notably the Onondaga. Though the longhouse is no longer the familial residences of the people, it is still regarded as the central meeting place and guardian of the central fire- as the Onondaga were themselves in historic
times. Among the Iroquoian speakers in New York and Ontario, the longhouse was for centuries the physical embodiment of social structure. As the culture, politics, and economy of the people changed, so too did the longhouse. People began to coalesce into larger, denser communities in the prehistoric and protohistoric periods, necessitating a more structured matrilineal society and more organized, larger longhouses. As contact with Europeans and conflict among both themselves and the newcomers increased, society began to fracture into smaller components, and the role of the household in politics began to decline. This shift in society is mirrored in the decrease of longhouse length and spatial dynamics during the historic period. In the 18th century, the Revolutionary war and the movement onto reservations required major economic and political changes in order for the Iroquois to survive. New, less mobile subsistence patterns were needed and soon the economic importance of the European speaking males surpassed those of the matrons who traditionally lead the family. This lead to the abandonment of the matrilineal longhouse in favor of neolocal log cabins on dispersed farmsteads.
About 800 years ago, a great civilization inhabited the land in west Alabama, located along the Black Warrior River, south of Tuscaloosa. It encompassed a known area of 320 acres and contained at least 29 earthen mounds. Other significant features include a plaza, or centralized open area, and a massive fortification of log construction. The flat topped, pyramidal mounds ranging from three to 60 feet, are believed to have been constructed by moving the soil, leaving large pits that are today small lakes. As major ceremonial center, up to 3000 people inhabited the central area from 1200-1400 AD. An estimated 10,000 lived around the stockade, which surrounded three sides of the civilization (Blitz 2008:2-3; Little et al 2001:132).
“Tracing a single Native American family from the 1780’s through the 1920’s posed a number of challenges,” for Claudio Saunt, author of Black, White, and Indian: Race and the Unmaking of an American Family. (pg. 217) A family tree is comprised of genealogical data that has many branches that take form by twisting, turning, and attempting to accurately represent descendants from the oldest to the youngest. “The Grayson family of the Creek Nation traces its origins to the late 1700’s, when Robert Grierson, a Scotsman, and Sinnugee, a Creek woman, settled down together in what is now north-central Alabama. Today, their descendants number in the thousands and have scores of surnames.” (pg. 3)
The Makah lived in long houses. The houses were made out of cedar wood strips. The homes were usually permanent. The houses were group homes so more than one family lived in a home. The outside would normally have a totem pole outside the front of the house. These were poles with faces of animals on them and they told the history of the family. On the insi...
When the Europeans first migrated to America, they didn’t know much about the ancestral background of the different types of the Indian tribes that were settled in Virginia and along the East Coast. Many of the Indian tribes became hostile towards the colonist because the colonists were interfering with their way of life. This lead the natives to attempt to destroy the frontier settlements. Many forts in this area were erected to protect the settlers and their families. One the historical land...
"Creole Materialities: Archaeological Explorations Of Hybridized Realities On A North American Plantation. " Journal of Historical Sociology 23.1 (2010): 16-39. Academic Search Complete. 27 Apr. 2014. The 'Standard' of the 'Standard'. Web.
Native Americans chose to live off the land such as animals and the trees for houses from the time of early civilization in the Americas to when Christopher Columbus sailed across the Atlantic. In Thomas Morton’s writing he said “they gather poles in the woods and put eh great end of them in the ground, placing them in form of a circle.”
of Native American Culture as a Means of Reform,” American Indian Quarterly 26, no. 1
Have you ever heard of the Powhatan tribe? If not, let me share a little fact about them. Powhatan means “waterfall” in the Virginia Algonquian language. The Powhatans didn't live in tepees. They lived in small roundhouses called wigwams, or in larger Iroquois-style longhouses.
People have been living in America for countless years, even before Europeans had discovered and populated it. These people, named Native Americans or American Indians, have a unique and singular culture and lifestyle unlike any other. Native Americans were divided into several groups or tribes. Each one tribe developed an own language, housing, clothing, and other cultural aspects. As we take a look into their society’s customs we can learn additional information about the lives of these indigenous people of the United States.
Throughout the 1925-1975 period, the Native American population of the United States has faced many obstacles. Just a few years before, they had been suppressed by the federal government’s “Anti-Long Hair” policy for all Native American males. This would set the stage for future cultural restraint on the Indians. However, they continued to fight for equality. All through this time period, the experience of the Native American culture has been a struggle for equality in their homeland.
Mandan villages were the center of the social, spiritual, and economic lives of the Mandan Indians. Villages were strategically located on bluffs overlooking the river for defense purposes, limiting attacks to one land approach. The Mandan lived in earth lodges, which are extremely large, round huts that are 15 feet high and 40-60 feet in diameter. Each hut had a vestibule entrance, much like the pattern of an Eskimo igloo, and a square hole on top, which served as a smokestack. Each earth lodge housed 10-30 people and their belongings, and villages contained 50-120 earth lodges. The frame of an earth lodge was made from tree trunks, which were covered with criss-crossed willow branches. Over the branches they placed dirt and sod, which coined the term earth lodge. This type of construction made the roofs strong enough to support people on nights of good weather. The floors of earth lodges were made of dirt and the middle was dug out to make a bench around the outer edge of the lodge. Encompassing...
The Algonquians on the other hand had tried to take over the Iroquoian territory. The Iroquois had fought and won a battle with the Algonquians for the territory they had lost for 20 years. Other than these two main groups, the Iroquois people were well rounded. All of the many families in a clan, many clans in a tribe, and many tribes make what is known as the one Iroquois Confederacy. Some of the famous people who were a big part of the Iroquoian culture were Deganawida and Hiawatha. Deganawida along with Hiawatha were the two founders of the Iroquoian Confederacy. They both organized a few of the Native American tribes and made it into a political and cultural confederacy. Another famous Iroquoian person is Dina A. John, who was a resident of the Onondaga tribe and survived the Van Shaik Expedition. She had also served in the War of 1812 and became an artist and entrepreneur in New York. These famous people are representing for what the Iroquois Confederacy has become. Contrary to what many historians believed, based on the narratives of this essay one would unequivocally conclude that indeed Native-Americans were never impoverish nor culturally
The furnishings found in each hut also provide indications of how the people lived. In the centre of all the huts lay a fireplace that is thought to be the only source of heat and light in the entire hou...
Discussions in the 1970’s and 1980’s within both sides of the debate indicate population change, behavior change and natural processes to be the large determining factors (Attenbrow, 2004). Many archaeologists accepted there was a continuing increase over time in the number of archaeological sites established and used, as well as in the number of artefacts accumulated in individual sites, particularly in the past 5000 years (eg. Johnson 1979:39; Bowdler1981; Morwood 1984:371, 1986, 1987; Ross 1984, 1985:87; Beaton 1985: 16-18; Fletcher-Jones 1985: 282, 286; Lourandos 1985a: 393-411, 1985b: 38; White and Habgood 1985; Hiscock 1986) (Attenbrow, 2004). Population change refers to the changes in number of people or size of the population, behavioural changes referring to changes to activities such as tool manufacturing, subsistence practices as well as the use of space within a site (Attenbrow, 2004). Whilst natural processes include geomorphological and biological process that may have affected the archaeological record (At...
Ember, Carol R., Melvin Ember, and Peter N. Peregrine. "Ch. 13: Origins of Cities and States." Anthropology. 13th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson/Prentice Hall, 2005. 215+. Print.