Hereditary Deafness On Martha's Vineyard

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Everyone Here Spoke Sign Language: Hereditary Deafness on Martha’s Vineyard details the history, etiology, and ethnography of deafness on Martha’s Vineyard between the seventeenth century to the death of the last inhabitant in 1952. Nora Ellen Groce, the author and principal investigator of this study, richly details the lives of both deaf and hearing inhabitants of Martha’s Vineyard by referring to the remaining documents and interviewing several current residents who at the time were in their eighties and nineties. The residents, or in Groce’s terms, “informants”, were most helpful and enlightening in that many shared stories and memories of several of the deaf inhabitants. Not only does Groce use an oral and historical approach to studying the history of deafness on Martha’s Vineyard she also includes the genetic component as well and describes certain medical anomalies such as birth trauma and the theories of Mendelian genetics. This report addresses Groce’s analysis of the medical etiology of deafness, attitudinal differences between the mainland and Martha’s Vineyard on being deaf, and the lifestyles of Martha’s Vineyard residents that coincide and contrast with the mainland inhabitants. This report will also address the improvements and .
Groce’s genetic analysis includes the use of family pedigrees and Mendelian concepts, otherwise known as the recessive gene, in tracing the etiology of deafness on the island. After tracing many family pedigrees, including the first deaf inhabitant Jonathan Lambert, Groce finds an interesting connection that plays a role in the passing of deafness from generation to generation. She theorizes that “…the genetic mutation [deafness] must have first occurred in someone who lived in the ...

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...tching” when sharing a raunchy story is also another example of “Deaf Gain”: “If there was a bunch of guys standing around the general store telling a [dirty] story and a woman walked in, they’d turn away from her and finish the story in sign language” (67). Interestingly, Groce notes in her book that, with the advanced funding of attending the first public school for the deaf in Hartford, Connecticut, “deaf Vineyarders were better educated than their hearing neighbors” (78). This observation shows how patience and acceptance towards deaf individuals within a community makes a difference in outcomes of education. Overall, the island between the seventeenth to early twentieth century carried this inclusion policy for all deaf and hearing inhabitants to follow, whereas in the mainland the majority of the population followed the policies of exclusion, unfortunately.

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