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The role of religion in war
Religion as a cause of war
Effects of religion on war
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More than thirty years wars, destruction of the rural fields by the troops and compulsory conscription, created high anti-military attitudes among the peasantry. For instance, Davila pointed out that the brigandage was the reason for the Gautiers’ uprisings, or Moreau had the same idea about the uprising of the hamlets of Cornouaille. The Bonnet Rouges also took up the arms when their fields destroyed by the increase of the military depredations. The military duty was still a seigneurial duty, hence, the military activities of the seigniors besides their fiscal demands caused significant anti-nobility tendency among the peasantry. According to Thou, the Gautiers had the anti-nobility element and nobles of Normandy, saw them as their main enemies …show more content…
or the peasants of Cornouaille, as Moreau indicated it, were determined to destroy the nobility entirely. In Brittany, we see for the first time that the peasants massacred the nobles in the large scale. The Bonnet Rouges were less anti-nobility because they were well-to-do peasants who pursued more to gain their complete freedom once the noble houses were on the verge of dying out. Anticlericalism was not part of the peasant revolts in northern France because the religious affiliation were still important and peasants could not go beyond it to achieve more solidarity which later happened among them in the Croquants movement.
The Gautiers had good connection to the local priests and the Breton peasants even went more than it and claimed to exterminate all the enemy of the Church. The Bonnet Rouges also did not show any enmity against the clergy. Besides their attitude toward the clergies, the peasants showed different religious approaches. First of all, the Calvinism failed to find the support of bulk of population in Normandy, Brittany, Burgundy, Champagne and Picardy. The Norman and the Briton peasants inspired by their catholic zeal with their struggle against the seigneurs and the gens de guerre, for instance the Gautiers rejected to obey the king just because of his Calvinistic background, but unlike them, the Burgundian peasants turned to the king in order to defend themselves against the catholic fanatics in the towns and the tyranny of the league. In Brittany, the isolation and peculiar aspects of the peasantry pushed them to a kind of religious conservatism and …show more content…
ultra-Catholicism. One time, Tate called the peasant revolts of the end of the century as the animosity between the walled-towns and the countryside. About the peasant revolts of northern France, this idea is not completely applicable. Perhaps the revolts of these regions were not like the revolts of Vivarais and Dauphiné as the union of the towns and the countryside, but it is also recognizable that the even the commoners, at least lower classes, in the towns showed sympathy to the peasantry. However, the peasants of Brittany detested both the towns and the nobility or the Bonnets Rouges were against the catholic bourgeoisie of the great towns rather than nobility. Politically, the peasantry of Normandy and Brittany were the pro-League and Burgundian peasants were against the League.
In the western provinces, the fiscal policy of the Royalists, perhaps besides their religious affiliations caused the peasantry to adhere to the League, in eastern provinces the same happened as a consequence of the behavior of the league nobility. The radicalization of the peasant revolts in Normandy is tangible, from the Gautiers who adhered to the League and Catholicism to the Franc-museaux of Senlis, and the Lipans who did not accept the authority of any political parties, however; apart from the sheer peasant revolts such as Franc-museaux, the Chateau-Verts, the Gautiers and the Lipans were conducted under the leadership of the gentry. The peasants in Brittany achieved to a better class solidarity due to their particular conditions such as their language, isolation, and religious enthusiasm. Their aim also went further than the Gautiers goals, and formed in a utopian vision for making the better society, at least in the very local scale. The collapsing of the League authority and destruction of the countryside in Burgundy led to the formation of one of the well-organized peasant revolts of the 1580s. Generally, the demands of the peasants altogether are classified into three parts as follow: those related to the taxes and illegal impositions, those related to military issues, such as conscription, supplying the garrison and brigandage and those
related to social life of the rural communities, such as having a syndic or a representatives. The peasant revolts could be a kind of class antagonism in a society casted based on social and economic hierarchy. Perhaps it is impossible to divide these revolts into struggle between very specific classes, because among the peasantry there were petty-bourgeois or even local gentry and among the nobility there were the haut-bourgeois. But it is also traceable to see how the nobility tried to maintain their privileges or the peasantry tried to preserve the minimum facilities or right or to regain them. In the next chapter, we would see the peak of these efforts.
The army ensures their reliance on the plantations by kicking them off of all arable land, leaving them with no food and no employment. Committing themselves to the only employers in the region, the peasants are forced into a feudal relationship. They are held in this relationship by the army, which goes to extreme measures to maintain control of the peasants. Maintaining feudal conditions through violence and intimidation, the army holds the populace in a constant state of fear. Guaranteeing that the peasants stay ill and in need furthers the necessity that they work to stay alive, but prevents them from doing so.
On April 16, 1525, Pastor Johann Herolt of Weinsburg reported that “the peasants scaled castle walls, captured the countess and her children, plundered the castle, and then appeared before the town” (Doc 5). The peasants’ acts of violence towards the lords stirred up negativity, doubt and even resulted in the death of others. Martin Luther declared in Against the Murdering, Thieving Hordes of Peasants that “the peasants forgot their place, violently took matters into their own hands, and are robbing and raging like mad dogs” (Doc 7). The peasants had misinterpreted Luther’s spiritual motivation and used it in such a way that excused their violent behavior against the lords. Another response included Caspar Nützel’s letter to Duke Albert of Prussia that addresses his negativity towards the peasants’ behavior. He maintained that the peasants’ behavior was unchristian and unreasonable and that they had “overstepped the mark” due to their ignorance (Doc 9). The revolts were finally terminated by authorities around 1526. The Decree of the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire expressed that acts of “disturbance and rebellion” such as these be prevented in the future (Doc
The French Revolution was a period of political upheaval that occurred in France during the latter half of the 18th century. This revolution marked an end to the system of feudalism and the monarchy in France and a rise to democracy and new Enlightenment ideas. By 1789, when the revolution began, France was in a deep financial crisis due to the debt they had obtained over many years of reckless spending and France was nearly bankrupt. These financial issues fell almost completely on the bottom social class or the Third Estate which made up a majority of the country. Because of this financial trouble the common people were heavily taxed leaving many of them in poverty. In addition to the economic issues, France also held an Estate System that led to heavy
Essentially, the rural bourgeoisie attempted to shift social hostility away from issues of wealth and land, but rather focuses such hostilities towards individuals and the aristocratic “caste”. “[The rural bourgeoisie] exaggerated the importance of genealogy; it caricatured the pride and insolence of the noble, which were no doubt a crueler torture for the bourgeois than for the peasant; it criticized the ways in which the aristocracy strove to maintain social distance; and it sought to persuade peasants, who also hated the aristocracy, that the nobility’s arrogance was the chief source of social conflict.” Although anti-noble attitudes existed long before the Revolution, the rumors started by the rural bourgeoisie began to remind the peasantry of the caste system that was in place under the First Republic. The fear that resulted in this believed renewal of the caste system only strengthened the peasantry’s anti-noble ideology into hatred. Corbin argues that the importance of rumor was imperative to the murder of Monéy claiming, “they highlight the contrast between the depth of the social tensions, the intensity of the anxiety, and the restraint of violence.” It is no surprise then that with such heavy issues weighing on the minds of the peasantry, that there was such a surge of violence with
Beginning in mid-1789, and lasting until late-1799, the French Revolution vastly changed the nation of France throughout its ten years. From the storming of the Bastille, the ousting of the royal family, the Reign of Terror, and all the way to the Napoleonic period, France changed vastly during this time. But, for the better part of the last 200 years, the effects that the French Revolution had on the nation, have been vigorously debated by historian and other experts. Aspects of debate have focused around how much change the revolution really caused, and the type of change, as well as whether the changes that it brought about should be looked at as positive or negative. Furthermore, many debate whether the Revolutions excesses and shortcomings can be justified by the gains that the revolution brought throughout the country.
Each social class in France has its own reasons for wanting a change in government. The aristocracy was upset by the king’s power, while the Bourgeoisie was upset by the privileges of the aristocracy. The peasants and urban workers were upset by their burdensome existence. The rigid, unjust social structure meant that citizens were looking for change because “all social classes.had become uncomfortable and unhappy with the status quo.” (Nardo, 13)
France’s working class was suffering because of bad harvests. The Guild system didn’t allow for farmers to row what they wanted. This caused increased economic pressure on the entire country, but because of Louis XVI’s tax structure it placed an especially large amount of pressure on the working and middle class.
The French Revolution evokes many different emotions and controversial issues in that some believe it was worth the cost and some don't. There is no doubt that the French Revolution did have major significance in history. Not only did the French gain their independence, but an industrial revolution also took place. One of the main issues of the Revolution was it's human costs. Two writers, the first, Peter Kropotkin who was a Russian prince, and the other Simon Schama, a history professor, both had very opposing views on whether the wars fought by France during the Revolution were worth it's human costs. Krapotkin believed that the French Revolution was the main turning point for not only France but for most other countries as well. On the other hand, Schama viewed the French Revolution as unproductive and excessively violent.
From 1524 through 1526, peasants were revolting in the German states. The peasants felt mistreated and no longer wanted to be under the rule of landlords. There were many causes and responses to the Peasant Revolt, but ultimately, the reasons that the peasants said that they revolted because of were not valid. They believed that they should not only be in better circumstances, but also that the wealth of the people should’ve been distributed evenly, and they should’ve been solely under the authority of lords and other forms of authority that were anointed by God. While these might seem like good reasons for revolting, in reality, they were not. The peasants in the German states were not being mistreated in the ways that they claimed.
Throughout the late 18th and early 19th century, both France and Saint-Domingue experienced violent outbursts, which led to a revolution against their government. The French revolution officially started on July 14, 1789, when more than 800 Parisians stormed the Bastille demanding weapons and gunpowder believed to be stored there. The Bastille symbolized the voice of the people representing years of abuse by the monarchy. Liberal ideas of European revolutions inspired Latin America to take action. The natives were discontent in the social, racial, and political system in Saint-Domingue. This led to a revolt in 1791, marking the start of the Haitian Revolution. After the French surrendered, in January 1804, the island declared itself as an independent
Within the Historical sphere, there is no unanimity regarding the impact of the French revolution on the status quo of western Europe. The argument lies that the revolution was insurgent and promoted ideas contrary to conventional belief, thus leaving an enduring impact stemming from nationalism and liberalism, on France and western Europe. In contrast, many individuals affirm the position that the changes yielded from the revolution was reversed by reactionary responses consequently discrediting the revolution's significance to Europe. As a result, I will be evaluating both arguments and will arrive at a measured conclusion, whether the French Revolution (1789) threatened the status quo (state of affairs) in Western Europe and if so how.
The towns and provinces of France were against the growing power of monarchical centralization, so the people were very willing to join in the revolt against the monarchy. The nobility agreed with the thinking of the people, and because much of the nobility were Calvinists, they formed an important, strong foundation for the opposition of the monarchy. The wars temporarily halted the development of the French centralized territorial state, and a person’s loyalty to their religion overcame a person’s loyalty to their state’s ruling family. In all this religious conflict emerged a group that placed politics above religion, and this group believed that no religion was worth the side effects of a civil war. The politiques eventually prevailed, but it was too late as both sides had lost a great number of
In 1789, thousands of starving peasants abandoned the lands of their ancestors as the price of bread rose to eighty percent of the average peasant’s income (Kreis). Blazing buildings marked the path they took to the source of their woes in Paris. They attacked any food cart they passed. The outline of their skeleton could be seen from under their filthy, thread-bare clothing. Their impoverished condition had reached its climax. Their desperation led them to action. They over took the largest fortress in France, the Bastille, in search of weapons. Members of the Bourgeoisie had formed the National Assembly three weeks prior to the storming of the Bastille to begin to address the grievances of the peasants (Dabney). On August 4, the National Assembly met in Paris, and, with one enthusiastic fell swoop, they agreed to abolish the feudal system forever, thus gaining the support of the mob. “The Decree of the National Assembly Abolishing the Feudal System” created equality between the nobility and citizens, ended the Church’s authority over the state, and pledged to work with King Louis XVI to rectify the injustices of the people.
The French Revolution began in 1789,1 when France was divided by regions and religions. The one thing that the French people had in common was that they shared the belief that they should serve the king. The revolution changed this, and at the end of the revolution in 1799, the people saw each other as citizens rather than subjects of the king.2 France had been experiencing economic hardship, and the people became discontented because of food shortages. Ideas of reform spread after the Enlightenment, and the people wanted a constitution.3 The French Revolution greatly increased nationalism in France. Before the revolution, there was little nationalism in France. It is evident that nationalism was created when one looks at the formation of the
For hundreds of years, France had been running on a political system called the Old Regime. This system divided the population of France into three groups, also known as estates. Two of the three estates had rights and privileges such as being excused from paying taxes, and having the opportunity to run for a high office. The other estate was not treated with the same luxury. They had to pay insanely high taxes and many did not get the right to get an education. The first estate was made up of the Roman Catholic Church. They were at the top of the social class and owned ten percent of all of France’s land. The second group was made up of the French nobility. The rich nobles accounted for twenty percent of France’s land, but only made up roughly two percent of the population. The third group was for the commoners. It made up about ninety seven percent of the French population. The third estate was split into three subdivisions. The first of the three groups were the Bourgeocies. The Bourgeocies were mostly bankers, business owners, and artisans. They had the opportunity to get an education and make a decent amount of money. But, they had to pay extremely high taxes which caused them to not make much money. The next group was the low income French workers. They were frequently unemployed and did not have enough money for food. The last group was the peasants. Shockingly, the