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Edmund Burke and the French Revolution
Rousseau's essay
Edmund Burke and the French Revolution
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Recommended: Edmund Burke and the French Revolution
Edmund Burke, a British political theorist known for his conservatism, claims that England’s preference for restoration over revolution makes the Glorious Revolution more legitimate than the French Revolution. To substantiate this, Burke quips, “We are not the converts of Rousseau…” to hastily dismiss the French philosophe based on his theoretical influence on the French Revolution (75). It is important to note that Rousseau's theoretical support for revolution doesn't mean that he is categorically in favor of popular revolutions, nor does Burke's caution to endorse revolution make him entirely opposed to change. While Burke and Rousseau fervently disagree on what constitutes legitimate government and the conditions under which revolution is …show more content…
It is a provisional form that gives it the administration, until the populace is pleased to order it otherwise” means the citizens, not the elites, have the power to shape the government in accordance with the general will (222-223). Part of that power is the right to reformation if the current government is not pleasing to them. Without context, this quote seems to imply that governments can and should be reformed whenever there is a dissatisfactory element, and, by extension, revolution, a fast-paced, more-radical, less-diplomatic form of reformation, is permissible to Rousseau if the government doesn’t meet the needs of the people. However in the context of his larger work, Rousseau’s next paragraph, situated within a chapter titled “The Means of Preventing Usurpations of the Government,” introduces the idea that revolution must occur under unusual circumstances, and still warrants moderation, explaining that “...the established government should never be touched except when it becomes incompatible with the public good” (223). This demonstrates that Rousseau isn’t categorically pro-revolution and against the oppression of minority groups, as the revolution must still be supported by the general will to establish itself as more legitimate than the rule of force. Rousseau’s hesitation to endorse popular revolution demonstrates the limitations of his support of revolution: if the general will does not tend toward revolution, then the revolution is
Rousseau, however, believed, “the general will by definition is always right and always works to the community’s advantage. True freedom consists of obedience to laws that coincide with the general will.”(72) So in this aspect Rousseau almost goes to the far extreme dictatorship as the way to make a happy society which he shows in saying he, “..rejects entirely the Lockean principle that citizens possess rights independently of and against the state.”(72)
Edmund Burke was an Irish political theorist and a philosopher who became a leading figure within the conservative party. Burke has now been perceived as the founder of modern conservatism. He was asked upon to write a piece of literature on the French Revolution. It was assumed that as an Englishman, Burke’s words would be positive and supportive. Given that he was a member of the Whig party, and that he supported the Glorious Revolution in England. Contrary to what was presumed of him, Burke was very critical of the French Revolution. He frequently stated that a fast change in society is bad. He believed that if any change to society should occur, it should be very slow and gradual.
Edmund Burke delivered his speech on conciliation with the Colonies to Parliament on March 22, 1775. The purpose of the speech was to persuade the British Parliament to consider their relationship with the American Colonists in regards to them being forced to pay taxes and whether or not their relationship would evolve. The evolvement would see the Colonists as more of an equal nation instead of the “loyal” British subjects that they were. This speech came almost 10 years after Parliament passed the Stamp Act (Mamet, 2015). This meant that the Colonists had been living with the oppression of the Crown as well as being taxed without proper representation or consent.
...eing mandated for protection. Rousseau’s conception of liberty is more dynamic. Starting from all humans being free, Rousseau conceives of the transition to civil society as the thorough enslavement of humans, with society acting as a corrupting force on Rousseau’s strong and independent natural man. Subsequently, Rousseau tries to reacquaint the individual with its lost freedom. The trajectory of Rousseau’s freedom is more compelling in that it challenges the static notion of freedom as a fixed concept. It perceives that inadvertently freedom can be transformed from perfectly available to largely unnoticeably deprived, and as something that changes and requires active attention to preserve. In this, Rousseau’s conception of liberty emerges as more compelling and interesting than Locke’s despite the Lockean interpretation dominating contemporary civil society.
To understand the Rousseau stance on claims to why the free republic is doomed we must understand the fundamentals of Rousseau and the Social Contract. Like Locke and Hobbes, the first order of Rousseau’s principles is for the right to an individual’s owns preservation. He does however believe that some are born into slavery. His most famous quote of the book is “Man is born free; and everywhere he is in chains” (Rousseau pg 5). Some men are born as slaves, and others will be put into chains because of the political structures they will establish. He will later develop a method of individuals living free, while giving up some of their rights to...
Rousseau beings his work with a flattering dedication to his country of origin, Geneva. He praises the government of Geneva by stating that one is only free when everyone is governed equally by the same law. Even with Rousseau’s intention that law and government should be of the people, it is not a true form of freedom. Man is considered free when he has the ability to make laws for himself, natural law, instead of outwardly imposed laws that conflict with man’s personal morality. Rousseau's comparison of liberty to wine and meat is not parallel: Liberty is not something that turns negative when experienced in excess. It leads to constant progression which leads to an improvement in society. This idea that progress is negative in nature is a recurring and fundamentally wrong.
The principal tension is between a democratic conception, where the general will is simply what the citizen of the state have decided together in their sovereign assembly, in simple terms Rousseau is saying the people generally settle for what the leaders of their individual communities lay down and out for them, and an alternative interpretation where the general will is the transcendent incarnation of the citizens common interest that exists in abstraction from what any of them actually want. Both views find some support in Rousseau’s texts, and both have been influential, modern and contemporary epistemic conception of democracy often make reference to Rousseau’s text and have both been
At a personal level, Burke’s assertions appear to support efforts for self-preservation because of his status in the social and political spheres of London. Because he was a Statesman, it was evidently easier for Edmund Burke to advocate slow changes for equality in France because he was already enjoying power in the British House of Commons (par. 32). For that reason, Thomas Paine’s calls for democracy and liberty for the people of France are more appealing. Naturally, if the French needed time to elevate the social and political statuses of the commoners, then the Revolution would not have been necessary. However, the noble-born were not ready to lose their supremacy, and there are very high chances that had they been aware of what the low-class citizens were planning, they would have retaliated with brutal force. Consequently, an upheaval was a need to change France, and anything contrary to that would need concrete proof that the Crown was ready to consider the problems of the people. On that note, contrary to Burke 's views, the people obviously had enough sense to realize that they were never going to have any privileges without force. Correspondingly, Paine 's statement that contemporary times demanded changes was plausible when one considers the fact that the American colonies had previously revolted against the English Crown. Evidently, liberty was in the minds of the revolutionists in France, and that defied all traditions that sustained loyalty to the French
...ion with the general will. This may sound like a contradiction but, to Rousseau, the only way the body politic can function is by pursuing maximum cohesion of peoples while seeking maximum individuation. For Rousseau, like Marx, the solution to servitude is, in essence, the community itself.
In the Social Contract, Rousseau discusses the idea of forced freedom. “Whoever refuses to obey the general will shall be constrained to do so by the entire body; which means nothing other than that he shall be forced to be free” (Rousseau, SC, Bk 1. Ch. 7). This forced freedom is necessary for a government that is run by the people and not a small group of few to one sovereign(s). For forced freedom allows a difference of opinions but the outcome is the idea with the greatest acceptance. Because political rule requires the consent of the ruled, the citizens of the state are required to take action within their community.
...time onward, the concept of the enlightened despot had currency, calling for rulers governing with the betterment of the people's lot in mind. The idea of a centralized, authority-wielding confederation government is not terribly foreign to the notion of an autocratic, authoritarian, but enlightened despot, after all. This is but one of the conflicting ideas ranged against Rousseau's rather pessimistically realist conclusion; others are certainly possible.
The type of revolution that may ensue is unknown, but it is possible for Marx and Rousseau’s dream to come true, if adopted by the majority and entered into willingly.
Firstly, each individual should give themselves up unconditionally to the general cause of the state. Secondly, by doing so, all individuals and their possessions are protected, to the greatest extent possible by the republic or body politic. Lastly, all individuals should then act freely and of their own free will. Rousseau thinks th...
Along with these basic premises in Rousseau’s democracy, four basic conditions must exist to allow for democracy to flourish: a small state, a “g...
This indicates that the community will only be peaceful when the people are in the state of nature. However, this questions why a government is created if the result will only cause the government to be corrupt. He also believes that there are interest groups that will try to influence the government into supporting what they believe in. Rousseau sees that the people will only be involved in the government is they choose to participate in the voting. He also says that when the people are together as a collective, they work and are viewed differently compared to when they are as individuals. Although Rousseau does understand both Hobbes and Locke’s theories, it makes the audience wonder why he didn’t fully support the theory of leaving people in the state of nature. By doing so, it would allow the people to continue having individual freedom without causing a state of