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How has democracy been introduced to our workplace and its effect
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Argentina, which was soon to become the economic powerhouse, quickly descends into a ghost town of abandoned factories and mass unemployment. President Carlos Menem transformed Argentina by selling out every public asset he could find; he privatized factories, and created many corporate handouts. The nation approved of Menem’s changes, and Washington said “This is the best thing ever” (The Take) What the citizens didn’t realize is that by transforming the nation this way, Menem was creating a capitalist wild west. This caused more than half the people to live under the poverty line, and they were at the point where being offered food for pay was the citizen’s only option.
The Forja auto plant lies dormant after Menem’s crucial choices. The employees take action and form a new movement of workers who are occupying their own bankrupt businesses, which create jobs for the recently unemployed. Freddy Espinoza the president of La Forja joined with co-workers in hopes of bringing their factory back to life without a boss making all the decisions. The worker’s plan was to have a democratic organization where everyone votes on all decisions, not just one person making the choices. Their biggest inspiration on the movement was the Zanon Ceramics factory. The factory has been worker controlled for just over two years at this time, and succeeded in everything they had strived for. Just like Zanon becoming a successful cooperative business, some Canadian cooperative businesses have become very successful and well known. Agropur, a dairy company providing their products to name-bran yogurts and ice cream companies, is a very successful cooperative business. Even though Canada is mostly a neoliberalism country, abiding by the rules of having...
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...t taking “no” as an answer. If there is one thing that the Forja workers taught people is that nothing in life will come easy. If Canada had this attitude we would be a lot further in our economic life. Social justice is not necessarily the key to everything, but it is a start.
Works Cited
Falconer, D. (2013, September 20). 'Theme 1: Social Protest Against Globalization/Neoliberalism.’ Lecture conducted in 'Introduction to Social Justice, 38-101' from the University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario.
Falconer, D. (2013, September 24). 'Theme 1: Social Protest Against Globalization/Neoliberalism.’ Lecture conducted in 'Introduction to Social Justice, 38-101' from the University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario.
Falconer, D. (2013, November 5). 'Theme 5: Work’ Lecture conducted in 'Introduction to Social Justice, 38-101' from the University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario.
The use of participatory techniques by Americans disempowered in the political and working system in the United States to make their voices hear and express their concerns. The language of the disempowered conceal institutional forms to make understood the discrimination and inequality that they are facing in the workplace by powerful companies or corporations and to stop the improper destruction of the environmental through unsuitable modernization projects where capitalists would be the survivors. The disempowered use elections and interest group lobbying in order to make their voices hear and bring about political change. Providing evidences from articles such as: “Protest and Disruption: The Political of Outsiders” by Greenberg, and “Detroit: I Do Mind Dying,” Chapters:1-2 by Dan Georgakas. We are going to explore the “outside the system” of the disempowered that those authors provide in the process to protect themselves and their interests.
The representation of Don Amador back in control of the mill and returning to his old ways of running the mill, ultimately, represented the end of the worker’s dreams that had been part of the various struggles and accomplishments that led throughout the push to Chile’s road for socialism. Works Cited Winn, Peter. The. Weavers of Revolution: The Yarur Workers and Chile’s Road to Socialism. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986. Print.
Studies Inpolitical Culture, Organizing, And Advocacy." Journal Of Sociology & Social Welfare 32.3 (2005): 81-106. Academic Search Complete. Web. 31 Mar. 2014.
Globalization, the term used to describe the dominant framework of international relations following the cold war, is affecting many aspects of politics and social experience. This is seen in the Zapatista rebellion and movement in Chiapas, Mexico that has benefited from globalization and transnational support. This paper examines the relationship of transnationalism and social movements with the Zapatistas as a case study. In particular, this paper argues that the Zapatistas are part of the anti-globalization cycle of protest. As a result, they have used the master frame of this cycle of protest and aligned that frame in light of their particular situation. Because this frame was resonant with transnational activists a network of support was formed, which pressures the government from above, increasing the chances of success of a movement. The paper concludes by examining the implications of the Zapatistas for social movement research, with particular regard for Tarrow’s “strong thesis” about movements in a transnational era
Routledge, P. "Resisting and reshaping destructive development: social movements and globalising networks." Geographies of Global Change (2002): 310-327.
The working class, faced with all the struggles that capitalism puts it through, is bound to revolt against the ruling class. During the 19th century, Marx states that “the workers begin to form combinations (Trades’ Unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots.” Today, the working class hosts manifestations and form multiple organizations to help them through their struggles. In New York, the Occupy Wall Street movement organizes marches to demand fairer laws, such as universal health
Our struggle is not easy, and we must not think of nonviolence as a safe way to fight oppression, the strength of nonviolence comes from your willingness to take personal risks in Kohlberg’s moral stage 5 moral rights and social contract is explained in this political analysis on governmental power and the antiapartheid and central America work when they led protest on campuses with hundreds being arrested and 130 campus withdrawals.
Starting in the 1990’s, third wave feminism brought in various feminist outlooks, some known as “radical feminism”, “Marxist feminism”, or “cultural feminism” (Dorey-Stein, 2015). In radical feminism, the oppression of women is seen as the most central form of oppression and overlooks race, ethnicity, and class. In contrast, “…radical feminism was a movement to transform society, [whereas] cultural feminism retreated to vanguardism, working instead to build a women's culture” (“Kinds of Feminism”, n.d.). While radical feminism was working for social change, culture feminism opted out of it and built alternatives that stayed away from changing the dominant society. Furthermore, Marxism and radical feminism are often seen mirroring one another. Under Marxist feminism is the idea that women are oppressed because of the capitalist system, and that the capitalist system needs to be overthrown for oppression for women to end (“Kinds of Feminism”,
Freedom Road Socialist Organization. "The Immigrant Rights Movement and the Struggle for Full Equality." Freedom Road: Socialist Organization. N.p., 2009. Web. 21 Nov. 2013.
Feminist theory, in particular, has influenced my sense of social justice and helped me discover my personal sense of social activism. Feminism, by definition, is a social justice movement. Its four main philosophies (liberal feminism, cultural feminism, radical feminism, and socialist feminism), as explained by Jones-Smith (2012) focus on equality. Of the four philosophies, I was very interested in social feminism. Socialist feminist has a goal of “change in institutional and social relationships” (Jones-Smith, 2012, p.365). I relate strongly to this philosophy as I believe that in order to attain social justice, change must be made at an institutional and political level. This philosophy has largely influenced my definition of social justice in the field of
While the success of the YM can be argued, they none the less actively fight for a social change they believe in. While their method of “identity correction” may not be a traditional tactic of social movements it none the less is another weapon in the anti-globalization war. It goes without saying that education of any social movement among the masses is critical for its success. In this context, the YM provide a valuable tool for the anti-globalization movement. While there isn’t widespread approval of their methods within the movement, it’s hard to fault the YM for their active participation.
In Blessed Unrest, Paul Hawken illustrates to the reader how groups of organizations with similar principles and ideals are coming together to form what Hawken defines as a “movement.” In the chapter “Blessed Unrest,” Hawken explains the vast problems that plague the globe, such as loss of water for agriculture or theft of resources from third-world countries by government and corporations. He writes that due to these problems the world today is facing a task exponentially more difficult than the abolition of slavery, the restoration of the planet. However, Hawken also describes in the chapter those who are eager to address and protest against these dilemmas. Individuals who are willing to come together under common goals in order to necessitate environmental and social change in the world. Hawken, as his primary point, illustrates how groups of organizations and individuals are coming together to form a “movement,” which Hawken describes as a new form of community and story focused on three basic ambitions: environmental activism, social justice initiatives, and indigenous culture’s resistance to globalization.
Weiss, L. (1997),’Globalization and the Myth of the Powerless State’, in New Left Review, September-October, 225 (1), pp. 3-27 [Online].
...terate and powerless in various areas of their life. People need to be empowered by being resistant to these processes and participate in building viable economic and political alternatives. Their should be massive reforms on people’s basic needs and welfare and not on the policies that favor international capital. Global imperialism should be replaced with global democratic governance of the people, especially who are vulnerable to exploitation in the developing nations. Their should be social justice and a control of means of production, which can be achieved through democratic empowerment because globalization disempowers the people by displacing their productive forces. People should be given the right to make decisions on their own, and especially women who have proved through their ambition of working hard and contributing significantly to the countries GDP.
Capeheart, L., Milovanovic, D. (2007). Social Justice: Theories, Issues and Movements. USA: Rutgers University Press