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Feminist political theory essay
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The struggle of African American domestic workers can be better understood when using political theory in the context of political practice. Throughout this paper I plan on using this phenomenon as an example of current feminist political theories, such as gender, class, race, class-consciousness and the divide between the public and private spheres in an attempt to understand the role of feminist and female political involvement in the changing face of political activism and how the story of African American domestic workers relates to all these themes.
First off, how women see themselves within the arena of political activity needs to be explored. Examining the role of women in the political arena does not fully describe the political worlds of working class women (Morgen, 8). This is because there exists a gap between the definition of politics and the practice of politics. Politics is most commonly defined as the electoral political arena, which ultimately depoliticizes politics because “it prevents many citizens from recognizing that their concerns could be represented on the larger political agenda” (Ackelsberg, 298) making them believe that politics is an activity beyond their interests and concerns. Their discontent can be seen in the low number of voters that go to the polls every election. Our current political and economic system is set up in a way in which working class women cannot fully trust because it does not work towards their best interests. It works with the interests of the powerful and the wealthy, or the working classes’ employers (Morgen, 8).
In order to successfully place the practices and struggles of African American domestic workers in the larger context of their political activism, there needs to b...
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... their employment, class and the time era.
The women that called domestic work their career faced many contradictions in their lives that they had to make work: “work and family, personal and political, community and workplace” they make up the different spheres in which women must live their lives (Morgen, 13). African American domestic workers lived balanced the different spheres by keeping the employer’s private home their public sphere, balancing the gender roles of a laboring woman and their responsibility in the home, their unknown political activism and their role as domestic workers within their own Black communities. During their inclusion in all these spheres, African American domestic workers place themselves in the context of their activism within these spheres. They become live examples of political theory in the context of political practice.
As much as men are working, so are women, but ultimately they do not face the same obstacles. For example, “Even if one subscribes to a solely economic theory of oppression, how can one ignore that over half of the world's workers are female who suffer discrimination not only in the workplace, but also at home and in all the areas sex-related abuse” (Moraga 98). This gives readers a point of view in which women are marginalized in the work place, at home, and other areas alike. Here Moraga gives historical accounts of Chicana feminists and how they used their experiences to give speeches and create theories that would be of relevance. More so, Moraga states how the U.S. passes new bills that secretly oppress the poor and people of color, which their community falls under, and more specifically, women. For instance, “The form their misogyny takes is the dissolution of government-assisted abortions for the poor, bills to limit teenage girls’ right to birth control ... These backward political moves hurt all women, but most especially the poor and "colored." (Moraga 101). This creates women to feel powerless when it comes to control one’s body and leads them to be oppressed politically. This places the government to act as a protagonist, and the style of writing Moraga places them in, shines more light to the bad they can do, especially to women of color. Moraga uses the words, “backward moves”
Dye drew together the essays of esteemed scholars, such as Ellen Carol DuBois, Barbara Sicherman, and Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, to shed light on the intersectionality between race, gender, and social class at the turn of the 20th Century. While many believe that it was a period of widespread activism and reform, these scholars support the idea that the Progressive Era was more of a conservative than liberal movement, in that it failed to challenge stereotypes about the female’s role in society and created a limited public sphere for women. While the women’s suffrage movement provided more opportunities for white middle-class women, it failed to lessen, or even worsened, the marginalization of immigrant and minority women. Many white-middle class women sympathized with European and Jewish immigrants and were willing to overlook socioeconomic class, but few supported the cause of colored women for labor and education
During the summer of 1881, African-American domestics organized a strike for higher wages and to maintain autonomy in the work place. In the article, Domination and Resistance: The Politics of Wage Household Labor in New South Atlanta, Tera Hunter examines the plight of newly emancipated black women domestic workers who actively resisted the terms of their labor in Atlanta. Her focus is on how these women shape the meaning of freedom through workplace resistance, the exercise of political rights and institution building during the latter part of the nineteenth century. The purpose of this essay is to examine the covert ways African-American women domestic workers constructed their world of work, negotiation, resistance and community.
In our society of today, there are many images that are portrayed through media and through personal experience that speak to the issues of black motherhood, marriage and the black family. Wherever one turns, there is the image of the black woman in the projects and very rarely the image of successful black women. Even when these positive images are portrayed, it is almost in a manner that speaks to the supposed inferiority of black women. Women, black women in particular, are placed into a society that marginalizes and controls many of the aspects of a black woman’s life. As a result, many black women do not see a source of opportunity, a way to escape the drudgery of their everyday existence. For example, if we were to ask black mother’s if they would change their situation if it became possible for them to do so, many would change, but others would say that it is not possible; This answer would be the result of living in a society that has conditioned black women to accept their lots in lives instead of fighting against the system of white and male dominated supremacy. In Ann Petry’s The Street, we are given a view of a black mother who is struggling to escape what the street symbolizes. In the end though, she becomes captive to the very thing she wishes to escape. Petry presents black motherhood, marriage and the black family as things that are marginalized according to the society in which they take place.
In the weekly readings for week five we see two readings that talk about the connections between women’s suffrage and black women’s identities. In Rosalyn Terborg-Penn’s Discontented Black Feminists: Prelude and Postscript to the Passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, we see the ways that black women’s identities were marginalized either through their sex or by their race. These identities were oppressed through social groups, laws, and voting rights. Discontented Black Feminists talks about the journey black feminists took to combat the sexism as well as the racism such as forming independent social clubs, sororities, in addition to appealing to the government through courts and petitions. These women formed an independent branch of feminism in which began to prioritize not one identity over another, but to look at each identity as a whole. This paved the way for future feminists to introduce the concept of intersectionality.
In the beginning of the book Hunter proceeded to tell us about the history of African-American women in a broader narrative of political and economic life in Atlanta. Her first chapter highlights the agency of Civil War era urban slaves who actively resisted the terms of their labor and thus hastened
Women, Race and Class is the prolific analysis of the women's rights movement in the United States as observed by celebrated author, scholar, academic and political activist. Angela Y. Davis, Ph.D. The book is written in the same spirit as Howard Zinn's A People's History of the United States. Davis does not merely recount the glorious deeds of history. traditional feminist icons, but rather tells the story of women's liberation from the perspective of former black slaves and wage laborers. Essential to this approach is the salient omnipresent concept known as intersectionality.
The contentious little book titled Women, Power, Politics maintains politics to be devalued, acknowledging the fact that only few people do vote, and women are unable to achieve within the realm of Canadian politics. Sylvia Bashevkin, the author of the book argues that Canadians have a profound unease with women in positions of political authority, what she calls the "women plus power equals discomfort" equation. She evaluates a range of barriers faced by women who enter politics, including the media's biased role of representing the private lives of women in politics, and she wonders why citizens find politics is underrepresented in Canada compared to Belgium. In clear, accessible terms, Bashevkin explains her ideas on how to eliminate “low voters turn-out,” “devaluation of politics,” "gender schemas," and "media framing.” She outlines some compelling solutions to address the stalemate facing women in Canadian politics which are; contesting media portrayals, changing the rule of the game, improving legislative quotas, electoral reform, movement renewals, and so on. This response paper would addresses the reality of a political mainstream, actions which should be taken against the oppressive elements of reality, and the awareness it brings through economic, social, and political environment.
Before the 1920s men and women were thought to have two separate roles in life. People believed women should be concerned with their children, home, and religion, while men took care of business and politics. In 1920 there were significant changes for women in politics, the home, and the workplace. When the 19th amendment passed it gave women the right to vote. “Though slowly to use their newly won voting rights, by the end of the decade women were represented local, state, and national political committees and were influencing the political agenda of the federal government.” Now a days it’s normal for women to be involved in politics and it’s normal for women to vote. Another drastic change
Throughout history and in present day, there has been a large neglect of Black Women in both studies of gender and studies of race. Combating both sexism and racism simultaneously is what separates Black Women and our history and battles from both white women and black males-combined with what is discussed as a triple jeopardy- race, sex and socioeconomic status provides black women with a completely different and unique life experience when compared to, really, the rest of the world. Beverly Guy-Sheftall discusses the lack of black feminist in our history texts stating,“like most students who attended public schools and colleges during the 1950s and 1960s, I learned very little about the involvement of African American women in struggles for emancipation of blacks and women.” (Words of Fire, 23) I, too, can agree that throughout my education and without a Black Women’s Studies course at the University of Maryland I would have never been exposed to the many founding foremothers of black feminism. In this essay, I will discuss the activism, accomplishments and contributions of three of those founding foremothers-Maria Stewart, Anna Cooper, and Ida B. Wells.
The paper is on " The Approaching Obsolescence of Housework: A working-class perspective. From the piece "Women, Race, and Class" written by Angela Y Davis, housework plays a central role in this Angela Y. Davis essay. She explores the idea of capitalist critique and feminism, and she argues that housework is annoying as much as it is disempowering women in the society and women need to be released and discharged from these duties (Angela, 2011). Liberation from this chores and responsibilities can only happen if it is socialized. Black women face a double burden of doing domestic and out of household labor, unlike white women. Angela argues that the stereotype of weaknesses that is substantially associated with women does not apply to black women as they work hard to support both their communities and families. She associates weakness to white women who worked at homes only and never labored for their communities. As a fact some of this house works done by black women was
The underrepresentation of female’s interests and values is a global phenomenon as there is no country where women are equally represented on all levels of government. Since most women in the Western World gained the right to vote, there is no area of human life or development sector which is immune from the impact of inequitable gender relations. The central thesis of this paper is that women’s underrepresentation in elected office creates serious problems. This paper begins by analysing the key barriers of women to get into politics, especially into leading positions. It will then go on to the argument that women have special interests and needs, and that male politicians cannot represent those concerns adequately. Additionally, this paper describes further problems in today’s political world, such as women’s identification with
Neville, H. A., & Hamer, J. F. (2006). Revolutionary Black Women's Activism: Experience and Transformation. Black Scholar, 36(1), 2-11.
This phenomenon can be explained with feminist theories which focuses on inequality of power between men and women in terms of unequal distribution of political power. The best example of this inequality are numbers that speak for themselves. The US has never had a women president in the history, and even though women comprise majority of U.S population, their number in political offices are significantly lower than men. The reason behind underrepresentation of women in politics lies in the notion that women are not strong enough to hold a powerful position. Because of women 's underrepresentation a lot of men’s issues and policies are over-emphasized, while women’s concerns remain unattended. However, women’s concerns and policies often don’t just affect women, but the entire families. For instance, the issue of child care or maternal leave. In many families, one parent (in most cases women) is forced to leave the job and take care of a child due to the lack of childcare, or very short maternal leave. Strengthening women’s right and addressing barriers to political participation are critical to achieving gender equality and women empowerment. I believe that the issue of low number of women in politics is just a fragment of a much larger issue of inequality relating to political, economic, and social status. Some of the solutions to the problem include increasing women participation and leadership in civil society by providing skill building and leadership training for women. Women should join activists groups advocating for women’s right and equality on many different platforms. Equal pay, equal access to certain job positions would also facilitate equality that would increase the number of women in political positions. Most importantly, more women should vote since we create the majority of US population, and if women unite and vote they will have a
Throughout history, women have remained subordinate to men. Subjected to the patriarchal system that favored male perspectives, women struggled against having considerably less freedom, rights, and having the burdens society placed on them that had so ingrained the culture. This is the standpoint the feminists took, and for almost 160 years they have been challenging the “unjust distribution of power in all human relations” starting with the struggle for equality between men and women, and linking that to “struggles for social, racial, political, environmental, and economic justice”(Besel 530 and 531). Feminism, as a complex movement with many different branches, has and will continue to be incredibly influential in changing lives. Feminist political ideology focuses on understanding and changing political philosophies for the betterment of women.