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Labor unions during the late 1800s
Labor unions during the late 1800s
Labor unions in the 1800s
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Andrew Carnegie, Henry Clay Frick and the Homestead Strike Industrialists Andrew Carnegie and Henry Clay Frick could not have come from more different backgrounds. Carnegie was born in the Scottish town of Dunfermline to a very poor family in 1835. When he was 12 years old, his father, a weaver, decided to move the family to the United States in search of better prospects, arriving at what was then the municipality of Allegheny, Pennsylvania, now part of Pittsburgh’s North Side. By that time, Pittsburgh was already known as a major center for the production of steel and other metals. In 1853, at the age of 18, Carnegie was hired as a telegraph operator for the Pennsylvania Railroad, and became a protégé of Thomas A. Scott, who would soon rise …show more content…
After a decade of successful growth for the company, the relationship between the two men would sour due to their differing opinions on labor relations, which came to a head with the Homestead Strike in 1892. Relations between industrialists, authorities and labor unions at the time were often contentious and on occasion violent: in May 1886, the Haymarket affair in Chicago and the Bay View massacre in Milwaukee resulted in several deaths. In 1891, Frick himself was involved in an event known as the Morewood massacre, when the Pennsylvania Army National Guard opened fire on a crowd of striking United Mine Workers, killing nine employees of one of Frick’s coke …show more content…
At the Homestead Steel Works outside Pittsburgh, which had been purchased by Carnegie in 1883, the chairman blamed the Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers for low production, and with the expiry of the collective bargaining agreement approaching, he saw an opportunity to reduce the union’s power. Carnegie, who was an open supporter of unions, nevertheless agreed with Frick in the case of Homestead, because he considered AA to be a corrupt organization that did not properly represent the workers. In fact, only about 800 of the 3,800 employees at Homestead were members of AA (Krass 277). At the negotiations, AA leaders requested a wage increase. Frick countered with a proposal for a significant decrease and threatened to stop recognizing the union if it did not agree to the new terms, as Carnegie had authorized him to do. On June 29, 1892, the day before the end of the current contract, Frick locked out the Homestead workers. In protest, AA began a major organized strike, preventing the steel works from hiring replacement laborers and reopening. Carnegie and Frick requested assistance from local authorities, but they were ineffective in dispersing the
Companies and factories were expanding and women and children were able to join the workforce. The Knights of Labor, led by Powderly, attracted both skilled and unskilled workers. They participated in many of the major events due to the Knights of Labor such as the Haymarket Riot and the great railroad strike. Another big labor union was the American Federation of Labor (AFof L), led by Samuel Gompers. While the Knights of Labor allowed skilled and unskilled workers, the American Federation of Labor only allowed skilled workers. Gompers argued and demanded for “a reduction of the hours of labor” and for better wages (Doc 6). Many laborers joined these labor unions to fight against the big
Andrew Carnegie came over to this country in 1848, with his family in the hopes of finding a better life for themselves. At age 14, Carnegie became a courier in a telegraph office. Later, he became involved with the railroad industry and soon was Superintendent of the railroad in Pittsburgh. By the age of 30 he had an annual income of $50,000. Carnegie then left the Pennsylvania Railroad and started concentrating on steel. He would eventually open the Carnegie Steel Company. He was introduced to a new process called the Bessemer process for his steel. At first Carnegie was not sure of this new process but took a chance and adopted it into his company.
Andrew Carnegie was a man who was born poor, but wanted to change many lives for those who were like him. Since he was able to walk, he started to work he was a bobbin boy in Pittsburg. Carnegie would work 12 hours a day to
Tensions between union supporters and management began mounting in the years preceding the strike. In April of 1994, the International Union led a three-week strike against major tracking companies in the freight hauling industry in attempts to stop management from creating $9 per hour part-time positions. This would only foreshadow battles to come between management and union. Later, in 1995, teamsters mounted an unprecedented national union campaign in attempts to defeat the labor-management “cooperation” scheme that UPS management tried to establish in order to weaken the union before contract talks (Witt, Wilson). This strike was distinguished from other strikes of recent years in that it was an offensive strike, not a defensive one. It was a struggle in which the union was prepared, fought over issues which it defined, and one which relied overwhelmingly on the efforts of the members themselves (http://www.igc.org/dbacon/Strikes/07ups.htm).
The Pullman Strike of 1894 was the first national strike in American history and it came about during a period of unrest with labor unions and controversy regarding the role of government in business.5 The strike officially started when employees organized and went to their supervisors to ask for a lowered rent and were refused.5 The strike had many different causes. For example, workers wanted higher wages and fewer working hours, but the companies would not give it to them; and the workers wanted better, more affordable living quarters, but the companies would not offer that to them either. These different causes created an interesting and controversial end to the Pullman strike. Because of this, questions were raised about the strike that are still important today. Was striking a proper means of getting what the workers wanted? Were there better means of petitioning their grievances? Was government intervention constitutional? All these questions were raised by the Pullman Strike.
To understand Carnegie before he became a wealthy man, he grew up poor working for $1.20 a week (Document LV). At the age of 50 years, he took a risk by investing in a package delivery company. His gamble paid off and he gained money to start his company, Carnegie’s Steel Company. Eventually, his company grew and caused
The roots of Carnegie's internal conflicts were planted in Dunfermline, Scotland, where he was born in 1835, the son of a weaver and political radical who instilled in young Andrew the values of political and economic equality. His family's poverty, however, taught Carnegie a different lesson. When the Carnegies emigrated to America in 1848, Carnegie determined to bring prosperity to his family. He worked many small jobs which included working for the Pennsylvania Railroad where he first recognized the importance of steel.
He went to London in 1872, saw the new Bessemer method of producing steel, and returned to the United States to build a million-dollar steel plant. Foreign competition was kept out by a high tariff conveniently set by Congress, and by 1880 Carnegie was producing 10,000 tons of steel a month, making $1 1/2 million a year in profit. By 1900 he was making $40 million a year, and that year, at a dinner party, he agreed to sell his steel company to J. P. Morgan. He scribbled the price on a note: $492,000,000.”
The unions resorted to many forms of tactics such as boycotts, picketing, and the less prominent “closed shop”. The most prevalent of these methods, however, was the formation of riots. During the late 19th century riots included: the Haymarket Square Riots (1886), the Homestead Lockout, and the Pullman Car Company strike. The Haymarket Square Riots of 1886 took place at the McCormick plant in Chicago, Illinois in response to the worker’s need for an eight hour workday. The first two days were innate, but the third day was where the the situation actually instigated the cause. The owner of the plant, McCormick, attempted to bring strikebreakers (scabs), and a battle had begun between the scabs and the strikers. The riot, wistfully, ended the lives of four men when the police began to attempt to impede and halter the situation. These four deaths initiated a chain reaction resulting in the calling for the revenge of the four men by German radical Johann Most. Despite Johann’s reaction, 200 more Chicago policemen ordered the remaining strikers to leave the area. In the crowd, in the moment, a homemade bomb was hurled leading in the death of one policeman; acting as a predecessor of events, this event lead to a shooting between the policemen and the strikers concluding with the death of four workers and seven more policemen; entirely approximately one hundred people were injured. The Haymarket Riots caused public opinion to turn against labor. The Homestead Lockout took place in Homestead, Pennsylvania at Andrew Carnegie’s steel plant and was instigated by Henry Clay Frick’s wage cut. In this riot workers walked out of the company and then Frick ordered company doors to be locked and trapped the workers inside. Employees rebelled and caused about 200 Pinkerton detectives to come up the river to protect company property and created a battle.
Ethics and the Unions - Part 1. Industrial Workers of the World. (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www.iww.org/en/history/library/Dolgoff/newbeginning/1
The Coal Strike of 1902 occurred as a result of many problems that were faced by miners. At the time of the coal strike there were 150,000 miners working in the mines (Grossman) Due to the depression of 1893, miners had their wages cut and were living in poverty (Grossman). Many miners were dissatisfied and looked to the United Mine Workers for support in raising their standard of living. This proved difficult since employers refused to recognize labor unions for fear of giving them significant control over the industry. In most instances of employee demands before 1902, employers would use government troops or hire immigrants to take the jobs of the strikers (David Kennedy).
The organized labor was unsuccessful because many of the workers went on strike or were killed and didn’t get what they wanted. On July 7, 1892 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, there were ten people reported dead and more that had no official notification of death (Document G). These people died because they participated in the Homestead Strike. Even after this gruesome strike Homestead did not give into their demands and remained a nonunion for a while after. This proves that even though they held a strike against the factory, the workers conditions did not improve at all and many people died making the Homestead Strike unsuccessful. On July 18, 1877 there was an editorial about the Railroad Strike of 1877. It stated that “The strike is apparently hopeless, and must be regarded as nothing more than a rash and spiteful demonstration of resentment by men too ignorant… to understand their own interests.” (Document B). This document proves that the Railroad Strike was not making a dent in the workers conditions. The strikers are the workers and because they are on strike they are not working which means no income. They do all this and they get nothing out of the strike, again proving that the labor union was unsuccessful. Since many of the organized strikes turned out not to do anything, in some cases death, the labor union failed to improve the workers conditions.
Carnegie's first job was a telegraph messenger boy, and later upgraded to work for the Pennsylvania Railroad Company as a telegraph operator. His persevering work allowed him to quickly advance through the company, and he became the superintendent of the Pittsburgh Division. He continued making investments and made good profits throughout the civil war, and finally left Pennsylvania Railroad and started his own iron companies, eventually Keystone Bridge Works and Union Ironworks.
The union was founded in 1869 in secrecy by an aggregation of tailors in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Propagation of the group was slow in its early years and began to expand more rapidly toward the end of the 1870s. The Knights eventually ceased the secrecy, and by 1886, the union had 700,000 members (Foner and Garraty). Contradictory to the majority of unions in the era, the Knights of Labor included all workers in a given industry, regardless of their trade, skill level, or gender. They advocated for several of the reforms that other workers’ rights groups stood behind including: the eight hour work day, the use of paper currency, the abolition of child labor, equal pay for men and women, and a graduated income tax. The Knights drew attention to these reforms through boycotts and only used striking as a method of pressuring employers if it was a deemed necessity. Violence flared at one of the strikes, now called the Haymarket affair, as angry workers argued with people who defied the strike at the McCormick Reaper Works plant. A bomb exploded in the crowd, killing seven and wounding sixty. Police then open fired, killing and wounding an unknown number of people. The events of that day resulted in a national flood of arrests, and labor rights crusading took a monumental hit. By 1890, the Knights had lost 600,000 of its
Unions have become commonplace in the labor arena. They provide employees with a valuable tool that allows them to stand together against their employer to make sure that their rights are upheld in the workplace. This paper will focus on labor unions with regards to how they work in two very different companies, Ford Motor Company and United Airlines. Also, a brief history will be outlined as well as legislation regarding unions.