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The role and impact of interest groups on elections
The role and impact of interest groups on elections
The role and impact of interest groups on elections
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The use of participatory techniques by Americans disempowered in the political and working system in the United States to make their voices hear and express their concerns. The language of the disempowered conceal institutional forms to make understood the discrimination and inequality that they are facing in the workplace by powerful companies or corporations and to stop the improper destruction of the environmental through unsuitable modernization projects where capitalists would be the survivors. The disempowered use elections and interest group lobbying in order to make their voices hear and bring about political change. Providing evidences from articles such as: “Protest and Disruption: The Political of Outsiders” by Greenberg, and “Detroit: I Do Mind Dying,” Chapters:1-2 by Dan Georgakas. We are going to explore the “outside the system” of the disempowered that those authors provide in the process to protect themselves and their interests. Political disturbances are the unconventional techniques that use the …show more content…
Dan Georgakas in his book “Detroit: I Do Mind Dying” he analyzes the activists and formation of the black workers. The first project that he investigates was “The Inner City Voice” (pag16), a revolutionary newspaper that help to denunciate and expose the injustices of the black communities. Georgakas states that this newspaper “reflected a belief that the paper’s hard-hitting and revolutionary viewpoint was an accurate expression of the dominant mood of Detroit’s black population” (pag16). Moreover, this newspaper helps to put in knowledge the lower class “they tried to build their paper into a vehicle for political organization, education and change(pag16) in order to inform “what was already in the streets(pag16). In other word they try to educate the mass in political education and advocate for them in their struggle and inequality in the
In Erik Gellman’s book Death Blow to Jim Crow: The National Negro Congress and the Rise of Militant Civil Rights, he sets out with the argument that the National Negro Congress co-aligned with others organizations in order to not only start a militant black-led movement for equal rights, but also eventually as the author states they “launch the first successful industrial labor movement in the US and remake urban politics and culture in America”. The author drew attention to the wide collection of intellectuals from the black community, labor organizers, civil rights activists, and members of the communist party, to separate them from similar organization that might have been active at the time. These activists, he argues “remade the American labor movement into one that wielded powerful demands against industrialists, white supremacists, and the state as never before, positioning civil rights as an urgent necessity.” In Gellman’s study of the National Negro Congress, he is able to discuss how they were able to start a number of grassroots protest movements to disable Jim Crow, while unsuccessful in dealing a “death blow to Jim Crow”, they were able to affect the American labor movement.
Recently you have received a letter from Martin Luther King Jr. entitled “Letter from Birmingham Jail.” In Dr. King’s letter he illustrates the motives and reasoning for the extremist action of the Civil Rights movement throughout the 1960’s. In the course of Dr. King’s letter to you, he uses rhetorical questioning and logistical reasoning, imagery and metaphors, and many other rhetorical devices to broaden your perspectives. I am writing this analysis in hopes you might reconsider the current stance you have taken up regarding the issues at hand.
...ty of people, in this case, the black population, to take action against the corruption and oppression occurring in society. They are charged with standing up and fighting against such wrong-doings which are evident in society.
... and movements, pertaining to the rise of the working class, led to an excessive analysis of the evidence within the pages of Chants Democratic. At times Wilentz’s scrutiny of the trade unions and many other pretentious accounts of the Jacksonian era led the author’s prose to become silted to the reader. In lieu to the disarray of evidence, provided by Wilentz to give application to his arguments on the rise of the labor class; the primary thesis became lost. This leads Chants Democratic to be a great hindrance for the basic student, yet is an excellent source for someone engaged in researching the rise of a working class in American history.
Fredrick Douglas is a well known figure in the abolishment movement through his narrative “Learning to Read and Write,” Douglas shares his own personal journey of how he learns to read and write. His organization helps the reader get a better grasp of the stages in his life; his innocence, his epiphany, his loathing and finally his determination. Through the use of syntax and diction, metaphors and the use of irony, he portrays the thoughts that went through his mind as a slave.
In his essay, “Resistance to Civil Government,” often times dubbed, “Civil Disobedience,” Henry David Thoreau (1817-1862) argues against abiding to one’s State, in protest to the unjust laws within its government. Among many things, Thoreau was an American author, poet, and philosopher. He was a firm believer in the idea of civil disobedience, the act of refusing to obey certain laws of a government that are felt to be unjust. He opposed the laws regarding slavery, and did not support the Mexican-American war, believing it to be a tactic by the Southerners to spread slavery to the Southwest. To show his lack of support for the American government, he refused to pay his taxes. After spending a night in jail for his tax evasion, he became inspired to write “Civil Disobedience.” In this essay, he discusses the importance of detaching one’s self from the State and the power it holds over its people, by refraining from paying taxes and putting money into the government. The idea of allowing one’s self to be arrested in order to withhold one’s own values, rather than blindly following the mandates of the government, has inspired other civil rights activists throughout history such as Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Both these men fought against unjust laws, using non-violent, yet effective, methods of protest. From these three men, we can learn the significance of detaching ourselves from the social norm; and instead, fight for our values in a non-violent way, in order to make a change in our government’s corrupt and unjust laws.
Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois were very important African American leaders in the United States during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. They both felt strongly that African Americans should not be treated unequally in terms of education and civil rights. They had strong beliefs that education was important for the African American community and stressed that educating African Americans would lead them into obtaining government positions, possibly resulting in social change. Although Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois had similar goals to achieve racial equality in the United States, they had strongly opposing approaches in improving the lives of the black population. Washington was a conservative activist who felt that the subordination to white leaders was crucial for African Americans in becoming successful and gaining political power. On the other hand, Du Bois took a radical approach and voiced his opinion through public literature and protest, making it clear that racial discrimination and segregation were intolerable. The opposing ideas of these African American leaders are illustrated in Du Bois’ short story, “Of the Coming of John”, where Du Bois implies his opposition to Washington’s ideas. He shows that the subordination of educated black individuals does not result in gaining respect or equality from the white community. In fact, he suggests that subordination would lead the black community to be further oppressed by whites. However contrasting their views might have been, Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Du Bois were significant influential black leaders of their time, who changed the role of the black community in America.
In the Wall Street Journal, leadership responsibility is generally deflected to the black communities themselves, evoking a “do it yourself” mentality. The implications of this line of thought are huge because they excuse Americans at large from confronting the inequalities they have created in society, designating the violence in the riots as a consequence of factors relevant only to poor black communities. In “Campaign 92” John Buchanan is quoted saying that he strongly apposes social programs and thinks that they actually hinder impoverished communities’ ability to improve their own situation. By downplaying the power of the government, opinions like this one take pressure off politicians to lead reform. Other articles such as “The Los Angeles Riots --- Who Speaks for Blacks?” show a subtle continuation of these themes, though through a more liberal lens. This particular article was written by Dorothy Gaiter who is, herself, a black woman and a leader in the black community. It argues that the violence and disorder in black communities comes from a lack of modern black leaders. She cites the increase of blacks in power from 1960s to 1990s and reasons that therefore there should be more responsibility for black leaders to control and pacify the violent outbursts in the communities. The article prominently features a chart measuring “Black Progress in the White
The working class, faced with all the struggles that capitalism puts it through, is bound to revolt against the ruling class. During the 19th century, Marx states that “the workers begin to form combinations (Trades’ Unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots.” Today, the working class hosts manifestations and form multiple organizations to help them through their struggles. In New York, the Occupy Wall Street movement organizes marches to demand fairer laws, such as universal health
The right of African American is an essential subject for many texts in any historical time period. Malcolm X and Danzy Senna both pick the discrimination of African American as their main point for their essays. In The Mulatto and Millenium, Danzy Senna tells her own stories about how she grows up as a black girl with a Wasp mother and a black-Mexican father. In another hand, From The Ballot or the Bullet is a speech of Malcolm to persuade African American to group together regardless religion to fight for their human right. Although From the Ballot or the Bullet (Malcolm X) and The Mulatto Millennium (Danzy Senna) share the same main idea and some rhetorical devices, each of them has some unique devices that make their essays more interesting and influenced.
These members don’t benefit from helping advocate for racial equality, but recognizes that disparaging a large population of individuals to keep an elite class of citizens from having their balance upset, is not beneficial to the whole of the community. They exercise political friendship by working with black individuals advocating for their cause. A lack of political friendship is also seen, which is the result of certain individuals holding their own status above those of others. The narrator is aware of his systematic oppression and the lack of political friendship. In the beginning his habits were to be eager and work hard, offering his trust and respect for others and being hopeful he’d receive it in return. By the end, he grows wearing of receiving little back, and becomes inflexible in his friendships and withdraws his efforts towards cooperation. He struggles with working with whites or even coexisting as he is bitter at his discrimination, and doesn’t trust them. By the end, his psychological state is rather broken and unstable, and he ends up withdrawing from the community, existing as a recluse, as he doesn’t want to contribute to a society that he cannot trust and who doesn’t trust or respect
People in America often suffer from poverty and the treatment that comes with it, throughout their everyday lives. The question raised is why are poor individuals dehumanized by high structures of power? Some people with a higher income feel like they have a choice and a real recourse to justice rather than a lower class individual. They also believe that they are entitled to the world and their opinion matters because of their financial status versus someone who doesn’t have material things. Lessin’s and Deal’s film , Natasha Trethewey’s Memoir, and Bell Hooks’ excerpts, depicts that the poor are often dehumanized and neglected by structures of power, such as the government and media, because of their lack of money and education, however some of structures of power are ignorant to how the lives of poor people really are.
Within the article Caring Democracy: Markets, Equality, and Justice, the author Joan Tronto highlights and critically examines the United States and its democratic lifestyle after the attacks on 9/11 on the World Trade Center and Pentagon and the events after the 2008 financial crisis. Since these events the United States the average citizen is now facing to many demands for them too adequately for their children and themselves. During a set of recent elections examined by Joan Tronto she found that public involvement was at an all-time low by the citizens of the United States. Although political involvement should support us to care more about our surrounds and society but it does not. However, the American democratic process has become more
In Blessed Unrest, Paul Hawken illustrates to the reader how groups of organizations with similar principles and ideals are coming together to form what Hawken defines as a “movement.” In the chapter “Blessed Unrest,” Hawken explains the vast problems that plague the globe, such as loss of water for agriculture or theft of resources from third-world countries by government and corporations. He writes that due to these problems the world today is facing a task exponentially more difficult than the abolition of slavery, the restoration of the planet. However, Hawken also describes in the chapter those who are eager to address and protest against these dilemmas. Individuals who are willing to come together under common goals in order to necessitate environmental and social change in the world. Hawken, as his primary point, illustrates how groups of organizations and individuals are coming together to form a “movement,” which Hawken describes as a new form of community and story focused on three basic ambitions: environmental activism, social justice initiatives, and indigenous culture’s resistance to globalization.
Society is highly stratified when considering social classes i.e. - upper class, middle class, lower class, and working class citizens. That being said, not everyone has the same access to the superstructure; thus creating tension. The largest problem when considering structure and agency is the constant struggle and negotiation of power inequality. Among the asymmetry of power are two major disparities; class and gender. Thinking as a critical theorist, one must consider the individual’s participation in the public sphere; “The word means a false view of the world that is in the interests of the powerful citizens in order to keep the subordinate classes oppressed” (Habermas, 10). Though the public sphere is virtually a democratic sphere where ideas can circulate and opinions are formed there are certain restrictions when referring to lower classes and women and thus how their agencies as individuals are limited.