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In this article “Culture War”, Morris Fiorina addresses the issue of the cultural divide between Democrats and Republicans in the political world we live in today, as the Republicans are discussed as the “red” states and Democrats are the “blue” states. The Culture War that Fiorina alludes to refer to a movement of standard economic struggles that have spiked up twentieth century politics. Fiorina will debunk the myth of polarized America by addressing each side of the red and blue states. “When George W. Bush took office, half the country cheered and the other half seethed.” This quotation reflects the so-called myth of the deep division of demographics within the red and the blue states. The main argument I will address and the argument that Fiorina is trying to get across is that America is not divided almost in half by blue and red states, but the typical American is in the …show more content…
For example “… the story line held that white men under economic pressure were livid about gays, guns, immigration, affirmative action, and Hillary, and turned in frustration to the Gingrich Republicans.” This exhibition of bias may upset the reader one way or another talking about crucial topics causing them to become emotional and/or stop reading this article. An additional weakness that Fiorina exhibits in this article is that he portrays many opinions about the “Cultural Divide” but does not explain or have any evidence to support it…” The simple truth is that there is no culture war in the United States- no battle for the soul of American rages, at least none that most Americans are aware of.” Fiorina does not portray any evidence leading this statement to back it up. I disagree with Fiorina that there is no culture war today when in fact the whole premise of the American government system was created with the ideology of the division of Democratic and
Fiorina, Morris P., and Samuel J. Abrams. Culture war?: The Myth of a Polarized America. 2nd ed. New York: Pearson Education, 2006. Print.
Some people love controversy; some despise it. Regardless of how one views a controversial topic, odds are he is fascinated by it and has his own thoughts on the matter. Journalist Leonard Pitts, Jr., who authors editorial articles for the Miami Herald, writes extremely opinionated pieces on current controversial topics targeting those who are not minorities. He writes with the goal of bringing to light issues that people would rather not discuss. Pitts’ style can be seen through pieces such as “Don’t Lower the Bar on Education Standards;” “Torture Might Work, but That’s Not the Issue;” and “If the Gunman is White, We’re OK With Mass Murder.
But what she didn´t know was that she was caught in the crossfire of a culture war being waged be local evangelicals inspired by their high-profile congressional representative” this is comparable to the element in Filkins “Atonement”, “Lobello and his buddies were mobilized after the 9/11 attacks” Both pieces demonstrate the betrayal of the public’s trust in its government.
“…by attacking the gay and lesbian transgender movement, by attacking feminists and the right to abortion, the right to choose, by attacking immigrants…” Huerta explains that these “cultural wars” distract the general public from issues such as the wars in the Middle East and an economic recession, which happened around the same time she delivered her speech.
In David Brook’s, “One Nation Slightly Divisible” and Jonathan Rauch’s, “In Defense Of Prejudice, both writers make valid points. Both authors also have a common technique; Brook’s and Rauch seem to have biased viewpoints towards the subject matter. But although these two authors share this similarity, one author stands out in how he uses the bias to his advantage or even to the advantage of the audience to better understand and be convinced by his ideology. Although both authors seem to have biased viewpoints, their bias fuels their arguments in efforts to successfully fulfill their purpose. David Brook’s appears to structure his biased viewpoint in a way that exhibits a more pervasive bias than Jonathan Rauch in how he uses the bias to incorporate
1. What is the argument of Ronald Takaki’s A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America? How does Takaki make that argument?
The conservative movement that arose in the Orange Country during the 60's had many different contradictory attitudes. Some people thought of it as a meaningless span of time in which the government had been put on pause while others saw it as a crucial foundation for America's future. McGirr clearly seems to be no follower for Orange County conservatism, but she is still able to keep her disagreements from breaking through in her writing. McGirr gives the audience an understanding the 60s political struggles, one in which even conservatives proposed radical ideas that fundamentally reshaped the political and cultural landscape.
Tindall, George Brown, and David Emory Shi. “A Conservative Realignment: 1977-1990” America A Narrative History. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 2013. 1098-1127. Print.
Explaining Policy Differences Using Political Culture. "West Texas A&M University. Web. 20 Mar. 2011. http://www.wtamu.edu/~jrausch/polcul.html "THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC MILIEU OF TEXAS POLITICS."
In reading the first chapter of Ethnic Myth I was instantly lured in with the first sentence. That states this book is dangerous because it clarifies yet rejects all that is known on race, ethnicity, and immigration in the U.S. Race and ethnicity have always been taboo topics. Like discussed in lecture it is not appropriate for someone to come up and ask “What are you? In this reading Steinberg discusses how racial reparations should be demanded however not in the form of cash
There is a fine line between what American society looked like during World War II and contemporary America. The dilemma is that society has gone from patriotism and a fight for liberty to “everyone walking around with a chip on his or her shoulder” (Carr 2). This two distinct differences on America culture and society is manifested in, Howie Carr’s “Take $2000 and Call Me in the Morning” and Ronald Reagan’s speech, “The Boys of Point du Hoc”.
James Wilson’s article, “How Divided are We?”, attempts to convince the reader that there is polarization (a culture war) in the United States. Wilson does not define polarization by partisan disagreements solely, rather as “an intense commitment to a candidate, a culture, or an ideology that sets people in one group definitively apart from people in another, rival group” (Canon 205). This polarization stretches to the extent that one group’s set of beliefs is totally correct and the rival is wholly wrong (Canon 206). Wilson provides three chief factors for the growth of polarization...
Wattenberg, Martin P. (1986). The decline of American political parties 1952-1984. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.
In the showdown of the century, two political opponents are battling for superiority in holding the top dog position over our country, along with winning over the hearts of those living in it. Following is a short introduction to both fair opponents: one is 70 while the other is 68, one is male while the other is female, one has large hands while another has small hands, and one is named Donald Trump while the other is named Hillary Clinton. These two worthy adversaries vary among their political beliefs, their communication methods, and their backgrounds, and although there are numerous amounts of contrasting material shared between the two opponents, a few key similarities can also be noted.
...on Cage? Utilizing Max Weber to Define the Internal Dynamics of the American Political Culture Today. Max Weber Studies, [Online]. 1/2, 178-195. Available at: http://www.maxweberstudies.org/MWSJournal/1.2pdfs/1.2%20178-195.pdf [Accessed 09 December 2013].