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Pros and cons of the constitution
Pros and cons of the constitution
Pros and cons of the constitution
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Whether the adoption of a constitutional Bill of Rights promotes freedom and liberty is a highly debated topic. I agree that Australians should avoid the immediate adoption of a constitutional Bill of Rights as it gives the judiciary too much power. This essay will explore the advantages and disadvantages in implementing a constitutional Bill of Rights and whether implementing a Bill of Rights will shift the balance of the government and courts and what those consequences will be. This essay will further attempt to provide an alternative solution to protecting human rights in Australia if a Bill of Rights is necessary.
In Australia, there is no current Bill of Rights but rather an amalgamation of common law, legislation and the constitution
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These rights are presently unshielded by the law. One can say a Constitutional bill of Rights is required to protect the people. There are many advantages in implementing a constitutional Bill of Rights; it would give recognition to certain universal rights, power of action to Australians who are otherwise powerless, meet Australia’s international obligations, improve government policy making, and administrative decision making. A constitutional Bill of Rights enables judges to invalidate laws that are in conflict with human rights. These are laws that have been enacted by parliament. However, it's an arduous process to amend the constitution, capable only by a referendum, which is why one may argue that due to its difficulty, it achieves the objective of impeding parliament to pass laws that may be inconsistent with human …show more content…
However, as the United Nations lacks the power to enforce these treaties, the most effective way for Australia to incorporate these international treaties is through domestic regulation – constitutional or statute. Currently, Australia has some statutes that reflect and incorporate the international obligations. Following the Westminster system, the Parliament has the power to make laws. When there is a dispute about how parliamentary law is to be interpreted, independent judges are called upon to determine the dispute. As a biased parliament may wish it to be interpreted in a particular way, a judge’s duty is mainly concerned with applying existing laws unrestricted from political pressure. Particularly where one of the parties to a dispute is the State, the public trust in the confidence that there is a clear separation between those who make the law and those who interpret it. There will be an impartial, objective interpretation: ‘the government’ will not be there, pushing a barrow. At the adjudicative stage under the Australian system, the decision- maker is utterly impartial, and especially, not constrained by governmental or party-political pressure. To ensure perceptions of this, judges are promised security of tenure, not removable except in specified circumstances. By these means, judicial independence is upheld as the safeguard of justice according to law and the
The milestone judicial decision in Cole v Whitfield pronounced a pivotal moment in Australian jurisprudence in relation to the interpretation of s92 of the Australian constitution. This essay will critically analyse the constitutional interpretation approach utilised in Cole v Whitfield. This method will be compared with the interpretational methods exemplified in Commonwealth v Australian Capital Territory. Although within these two cases there appears to be a preference towards a particular interpretational method, each mode has both strengths and weaknesses. Accordingly, the merit of each should be employed in conjunction with one another, where the court deems fit, complementing each other. This may provide a holistic approach to interpreting the constitution.
There was a short time where all was calm right after the civil war. king charles the second and his father were both dead so Charles brother took over. this is king James the secondf and he was a Catholic sao he appointed many high positions in the government. Most of his sibjects were protestant and did not like the idea of Catholicism being the religion theyd have to abide by. like his father and brother king james the second ignored the peoples wishes and ruled without Parliament and relied on royal power. an English Protestant leader wanted to take the power away from james and give it to his daughter Mary and Her husband William from the Netherlands. William saled out to the south of england with his troops but sent them away soon after they landed
A Constitution is a set of rules put in place to govern a country, by which the parliament, executive and judiciary must abide by in law making and administering justice. In many countries, these laws are easily changed, while in Australia, a referendum process must take place to alter the wording of the Constitution (Commonwealth of Australia, date unknown, South Australian Schools Constitutional Convention Committee 2001). Since the introduction of the Australian Constitution in January 1901, there have been sufficient proposals to alter and insert sections within the body to reflect the societal values of the day, ensuring the Constitution remains relevant to the Australian people. Although Constitutional reform can be made on a arrangement of matters, the latest protests on Indigenous recognition and racial references within the body of the Constitution has called into question the validity of racial inclusion, and whether amendments should be made to allow for recognition. This essay will focus on the necessity of these amendments and evaluate the likelihood of change through the process of referenda.
In 1931, Britain passed the Statue of Westminster which gave independence to the Australian parliament. Australia, however, did not ratify this law until 1942. As this law only applied the federal parliament, Britain passed the Australia Act, which gave independence to the states as well. The High Court of Australia is now the final court in deciding constitutional matters and the final court of appeal. Due to these laws, Australia has become an independent nation. However, it is believed that we are not truly independent due to our link with the British crown.
Democracy is more than merely a system of government. It is a culture – one that promises equal rights and opportunity to all members of society. Democracy can also be viewed as balancing the self-interests of one with the common good of the entire nation. In order to ensure our democratic rights are maintained and this lofty balance remains in tact, measures have been taken to protect the system we pride ourselves upon. There are two sections of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms that were implemented to do just this. Firstly, Section 1, also known as the “reasonable limits clause,” ensures that a citizen cannot legally infringe on another’s democratic rights as given by the Charter. Additionally, Section 33, commonly referred to as the “notwithstanding clause,” gives the government the power to protect our democracy in case a law were to pass that does not violate our Charter rights, but would be undesirable. Professor Kent Roach has written extensively about these sections in his defence of judicial review, and concluded that these sections are conducive to dialogue between the judiciary and the legislature. Furthermore, he established that they encourage democracy. I believe that Professor Roach is correct on both accounts, and in this essay I will outline how sections 1 and 33 do in fact make the Canadian Charter more democratic. After giving a brief summary of judicial review according to Roach, I will delve into the reasonable limits clause and how it is necessary that we place limitations on Charter rights. Following this, I will explain the view Professor Roach and I share on the notwithstanding clause and how it is a vital component of the Charter. To conclude this essay, I will discuss the price at which democr...
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was enacted under the Pierre Trudeau government on April 17, 1982. According to Phillip Bryden, “With the entrenchment of the Charter into the Canadian Constitution, Canadians were not only given an explicit definition of their rights, but the courts were empowered to rule on the constitutionality of government legislation” (101). Prior to 1982, Canada’s central constitutional document was the British North America Act of 1867. According to Kallen, “The BNA Act (the Constitution Act, 1867) makes no explicit reference to human rights” (240). The adoption of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms significantly transformed the operation of Canada’s political system. Presently, Canadians define their needs and complaints in human rights terms. Bryden states, “More and more, interest groups and minorities are turning to the courts, rather than the usual political processes, to make their grievances heard” (101). Since it’s inception in 1982 the Charter has become a very debatable issue. A strong support for the Charter remains, but there also has been much criticism toward the Charter. Academic critics of the Charter such as Robert Martin believe that the Charter is doing more harm than good, and is essentially antidemocratic and UN-Canadian. I believe that Parliament’s involvement in implementing the Charter is antidemocratic, although, the Charter itself represents a democratic document. Parliament’s involvement in implementing the Charter is antidemocratic because the power of the executive is enhanced at the expense of Parliament, and the power of the judiciary is enhanced at the expense of elected officials, although, the notwithstanding clause continues to provide Parliament with a check on...
A key legal of the current law is regarding the fact it violates stakeholder rights and perspectives through the disregard of social and cultural rights among the aboriginal communities in the Northern Territory and therefore requires specific abolition. This removes their ability to a choice in lifestyle, interactions socially with others, certain restrictions for a child attending and enrolling in a school. With this being effected it removes many rights stated under the Universal Declaration of Indigenous rights, for example article 2 and 9 both referring to the scripture of indigenous people having the right to equality and anti discrimination in accordance to their community, traditions and customs. However, The Racial Discrimination Act (1975) is one of Australia's most important laws for protecting human rights, however in order to implement the intervention the Federal Government suspended the operation of The Racial Discrimination
- These rights are natural rights, petitions, bills of rights, declarations of the rights of man etc.
In this essay, the focus is driven towards the themes of ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’ and how they are inextricably linked in the development of human rights, shaping the way Australia has transformed and evolved into a modern nation. Undoubtedly, the idea of modernity is attributed to the notions of ‘tradition’. By breaking down these notions through concepts of progress, we are able to link ‘traditions’ and ‘modernity’, showing how advancements in ‘modernity’ were met with conflicts in ‘traditions’.
The Victorian Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities: Does it Protect and Uphold Human Rights?
This essay studies the importance of judicial independence and impartiality, and the role played by these characteristics in the Australian judicial system, especially in a parliamentary democracy based on the rule of law.
The Australian legal system is based on common law and its primary sources are legislation (statutes, Acts of parliament), delegated (rules, regulations, orders and by-laws of bodies to whom parliament as delegated authority) and court judgments. While international law is based on a combination of different areas of law. There is a clear hierarchy of legislation followed by delegated legislation and then court judgments, whereas international law has no such order to the importance if any particular source. International Law can be more broad in its terms as it tries to encompass the needs of every state involved, whereas Australian law sources is much more specific as it pertains to the specific people involved (eg: court cases). ‘International law not only lacks the secondary rules of change and adjudication which provide for legislature and courts, but also a unifying rule of recognition specifying 'sources ' of law and providing general criteria for the identification of its
Kirby, M. 1997, ‘Bill of Rights for Australia – But do we need it?’, viewed 30 March 2014, < http://www.lawfoundation.net.au/ljf/app/&id=/A60DA51D4C6B0A51CA2571A7002069A0>
Judicial independence and impartiality are foundational and crucial requirements in the maintenance of the rule of law in a parliamentary democracy. To an admirable extent the federal courts of the Australian judicial system remain free from external influence. Indeed, ‘basic structural and operational relationships between the judicial and Executive branches of government’ attempt to ensure that the federal judiciary is autonomous and free from prejudice. Hayne, Crennan, Kiefel and Bell JJ of the High Court of Australia believe ‘independence and impartiality are defining characteristics of all the courts of the Australian judicial system.’ Whilst this may be a definite possibility for the federal jurisdiction, the state courts have inadequate structural assurances to operate under complete autonomy or impartiality and thus the statement cannot be regarded as true.
...language, religious belief, sex or race. The same rights are given to both men and women. Australians are giving the freedom of religion and the secular government.