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The second amendment usa essay
2nd amendment esays
The United States election process
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Buckley V. Valeo was a landmark case in political funding and donations. It has great precedents as what is legally defined as donations, and contribution compared to expenditures. Buckley V. Valeo was argued over the last few months of 1975 and into January of 1976 where the decision was made on the 30th . The final decision, there must be some reasonable limit on campaign contributions however it is unconstitutional to hold expenditure limits. To further understand this reason Americans must know the legal definitions of these words. A contribution is the use of money to support a candidate which must be fairly regulated in the eyes of the United States government. An expenditure is the use of money to support a political belief. Putting …show more content…
limits on that is clearly impeding on the first amendment since it is denying the right to support your beliefs. The two parties that argued was mainly U.S Senator James L. Buckley along with numerous unions and parties such as the libertarian party. There were even liberal supporters of a conservative Buckley such as Eugene McCarthy. Most liberals would agree that political expenditures are protected by the first amendment looking at these legal definitions but behind the curtain they are also benefiting their re-election/ election chances when they have money supporting their ideologies.
Eugene McCarthy is no different as he was supported by Stewart Mott who was a large heir to general motors and contributor to McCarthy. The law would hurt liberals just as much as it would conservatives. The main person planning to loosen moneys grip in politics was Francis R. Valeo, the secretary of the senate. Valeo supported FECA while Buckley found most parts of FECA to violate the first and fifth amendments to the United States Constitution. Before going to the Supreme Court, it went to the District Court of Columbia. The District Court of Columbia found all but one segment of FECA constitutional, the only thing that was declared unconstitutional was the required disclosure reports from issue advocacy groups. This was seemingly a lost for the plaintiffs such as Buckley. Defendants of FECA such as Common Cause were pleased. Common Cause claimed the goals of FECA were to eliminate corruption in government not …show more content…
speech. It was advocating for stopping quid pro quo deals between wealth individuals and political figures so that Washington would stay on track. The fear that third parties could still spread money through politics even though not officially being connected to the money is a bothersome theory for the people of Common Cause. However the case was brought to the Appeals Court where the Supreme Court decided to review it. The foundation to the plaintiffs case was based off Ralph K. Winter’s interpretation of the first Amendment. Ralph K. Winter at the time was a law graduate from Yale and a member of the Yale Law School until the early 1980’s. He was one of the main lawyers whom defended Senator Buckley. Winters argued that money can speak as a form of expression of a spender. Mainly if it goes towards a cause.
Winters argued what you limit a politician to spend is limiting what he can say. He offered counter arguments to those who say too much money is persuasive speech by saying money is not the lone factor it is more of matter of candidates charisma and political stance that attract donors. To separate this from basic contributions however there is the idea of an independent expenditure. These are communication expenditure solely for the purpose of support or defeat of one candidate without any form of contact with political candidates. To be independent it must not collaborate with politicians or candidates to avoid harsh restrictions and regulations. However some parts of funding regulations were kept such as public funding. Public funding was still considered constitutional because it was considered prevention of appearance and real corruption from large financial contributions, which secured quid pro quo mentalities that might undermine representative democracy. And in order to secure democracy the belief of overwhelming limits as a means of equality is considered invalid to the Supreme Court saying “ the concept that government may restrict the speech of some elements of our society in order to enhance the relative voice of others is wholly foreign to the First
Amendment”. So Buckley V. Valeo ended up in favor of the plaintiff and supported limitless expenditures. There are however some benefits and consequences in the aftermath. For the ones who supported reform and FECA many parts were still upheld. Contribution limitations, disclosure requirements and the public funding systems. As for the supporters of Buckley, expenditure limitations were consider unconstitutional and that the FEC appointment scheme was stopped momentarily for a lack of separation of power. This landmark case set a huge precedent and put legal definitions that have shaped campaign finances today and for the rest of American political history
December of 2010, in a five to four vote, it was decided that corporate funding of independants in in elections was protected under the first Amendment. This opened the floodgate for the 2012 elections as the candidates took to many platforms to raise money for their campaigns. Mitt Romney along with the help of Spencer Zwick raised 6.5 million dollars simply through a call-a-thon. The secret weapon in this call-a-thon was a program called ComMITT. This program allowed the user to solicit donations from contacts in their email, and online social networking sites. Any donation made fed directly back into the campaign, giving a real-time tally of pledges. With all of this information, one can make a decision for or against campaign finance contributions. Personally, I have conflicting feelings about limitations on campaign finance. I feel as though there should not be a limit for campaign finance contributions, but there should be more qualifications for becoming president. I do not believe there should be a limit on campaign finance because technically it is covered under freedom of speech. It is covered under freedom of speech. This is because giving money is showing
Introduction In January of 2010, the United States Supreme Court, in the spirit of free speech absolutism, issued its landmark Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission decision, marking a radical shift in campaign finance law. This ruling—or what some rightfully deem a display of judicial activism on the part of the Roberts Court and what President Obama warned would “open the floodgates for special interests—including foreign corporations—to spend without limit in.elections” —effectively and surreptitiously overturned Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce and portions of McConnell v. Federal Election Commission, struck down the corporate spending limits imposed by the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002, and extended free speech rights to corporations. The purpose of this paper is to provide a brief historical overview of campaign finance law in the United States, outline the Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission ruling, and to examine the post-Citizens United political landscape. Campaign Finance in the United States During the Gilded Age—a period that began in the 1870s wherein the United States experienced tremendous economic growth—affluent industrialists such as John D. Rockefeller, Andrew W. Mellon, Cornelius Vanderbilt, J.P. Morgan, and Andrew Carnegie exercised, owing in large part to their wealth, enormous influence over the direction of American politics. Though left unaddressed during the Gilded Age, the issue of corporate involvement in political affairs was eventually identified as a corrosive problem in President Theodore Roosevelt’s 1904 State of the Union address.
They were able to obtain civil unions but were still denied a majority of the rights that come with marriage. The surveys and polls that Rosenberg analyzed, shows that public opinion was still a little hesitant about same sex marriage (Rosenberg 418). Conversely, the polls showed that people were more accepting of civil unions (Rosenberg 418). Rosenberg then goes on to state that had the activists gone to the court with civil unions and then waited for public opinion to be more in favor of same sex marriage to then proceed with equal rights, they may have had a better chance (Rosenberg 419). There is no way to know for sure if this would have been the case because we are not able to simulate a new world or go back in time. However, with the evidence that Rosenberg has shown it makes sense that since the activists did not have the support of the elites or the support of public opinion, they were not able to produce the change that they had hoped
Australia's federation came about through a process of deliberation, consultation and debate. Before 1901 Australia did not exist as a nation. It was six British colonies, which were self-governed, but under the power of the British Parliament. The colonies were almost like six separate countries. In the 1880s there was so much disorganisation within this system, which caused a belief that a national government was, needed to deal with issues such as trade, defence and immigration saw popular support for federation grow.
Procedural History: Petitioners, leaders of the Communist Party, were convicted of violation of sec. 2 and 3 of the Smith Act due to the fact that the pretrial motion to stop the indictment on the grounds that the statute was unconstitutional was denied. The Court of Appeals upheld the conviction, and the defendants once again appeal the verdict. A writ of limited certiorari was granted by the Supreme Court.
There have been many unanswered questions in Australia about Aboriginal history. One of these is which government policy towards indigenous people has had the largest impact on Indigenous Australians? Through research the Assimilation Policy had the largest impact upon Indigenous Australians and the three supporting arguments to prove this are the Aborigines losing their rights to freedom, Aboriginal children being removed from their families, and finally the loss of aboriginality.
In 1907 it was considered illegal for any corporation to spend money in connection with a federal election. In 1947 it was illegal for labor unions to spend any money in connection with any federal election. And since 1974, it has been illegal for an individual to contribute more than $1,000 to a federal candidate, or more than $20,000 per year to a political party (Campaign Finance). Congress defined this as a way to prevent the influence of a candidate or federal election. The so-called “soft money” which is used to fund candidates’ elections is defined as money which violates the Federal Election Commission’s laws on federal elections. In laments terms a simple loophole was created by the FEC in 1978 through a ruling which allowed corporations to donate large amounts of money to candidates for “Party Building” purposes (Campaign Finance). In reality, the $50,000 to one million dollar donations gives the candidate the power to put on the most extravagant campaign money will buy. This loophole remained almost completely dormant in federal elections until the Dukakis campaign in 1988, then fully emerging in the later Bush campaign, which utilized millions of dollars of soft money(Soft Money). This aggressive soft money campaigning involved the solicitation of corporate and union treasury funds, as well as unlimited contributions from individuals, all of which were classified for “Party Building” purposes. The way the money flows is basically from the corporation or union to the political party which the donator favors. The spending of soft money is usually controlled by the political parties; however it is done in great coordination with the candidate. Aside from unions and corporations special interest groups have been large supporters of soft money. These groups band together for a candidates such as groups for, textiles, tobacco, and liquor. The textile giant Fruit of the Loom, successfully lobbied a campaign which stopped an extension of NAFTA benefits to Caribbean and Central American nations.
The Supreme Court of the United States articulated this point in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, commonly referred to as plain “Citizens United”, in the majority opinion. Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy, in his majority opinion, wrote that “If the First Amendment has any force, it prohibits Congress from fining or jailing citizens, or associations of citizens, for simply engaging in political speech,” (Kennedy). Basically, he is saying that if free speech means anything, it must apply to the case of campaign contributions. Where Citizens United failed, however, was its cap on independent expenditures that corporations could make. It let corporations influence elections but limited money spent. SpeechNow.org v. FEC solved that issue. It ruled against the cap of donations on Super PACs (Forget Citizens United). In conjunction with the Citizens United decision, Super PACs were finally able to use their free speech. This paved a path for free speech in the election
Campaign finance refers to all funds raised to help increase candidates, political parties, or policy attempts and public votes. When it comes to political parties, generous organizations, and political action groups in the United States are used to collect money toward keep campaigns alive. Campaign finance always has problems when it comes to these involvements. These involvements include donating to candidate, parties and other political organization. Matthew J. Streb stated “instead of placing further restrictions on campaign donations to candidates, parties, and other political organizations, we should consider eliminating contribution restrictions entirely (Rethinking American Electoral Democracy)”. In other words, instead of allowing
Though campaign finance laws deal primarily with limitations on money expenditures, campaign finance is dealt with as a first amendment issue. Though it was argued in Buckley v. Valeo (which will be discussed in detail later on) that campaign donations should be considered conduct, comparable to burning a draft card, rather than speech. The Court claimed, however, that spending money makes communication possible. Often, this communication involves speech alone, not conduct. Furthermore, the Court recognized that virtually every means of communicating ideas requires money, pointing to several examples, such as the pr...
The issue of campaign financing has been discussed for a long time. Running for office especially a higher office is not a cheap event. Candidates must spend much for hiring staff, renting office space, buying ads etc. Where does the money come from? It cannot officially come from corporations or national banks because that has been forbidden since 1907 by Congress. So if the candidate is not extremely rich himself the funding must come from donations from individuals, party committees, and PACs. PACs are political action committees, which raise funds from different sources and can be set up by corporations, labor unions or other organizations. In 1974, the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA) requires full disclosure of any federal campaign contributions and expenditures and limits contributions to all federal candidates and political committees influencing federal elections. In 1976 the case Buckley v. Valeo upheld the contribution limits as a measure against bribery. But the Court did not rule against limits on independent expenditures, support which is not coordinated with the candidate. In the newest development, the McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission ruling from April 2014 the supreme court struck down the aggregate limits on the amount an individual may contribute during a two-year period to all federal candidates, parties and political action committees combined. Striking down the restrictions on campaign funding creates a shift in influence and power in politics and therefore endangers democracy. Unlimited campaign funding increases the influence of few rich people on election and politics. On the other side it diminishes the influence of the majority, ordinary (poor) people, the people.
Compare and contrast the arguments that have been advanced for and against the incorporation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Law in the criminal justice system.
While an imbalance has always been prevalent in the classes of American society, recent decisions in the Supreme Court favoring less campaign finance control have disregarded the growing gap between the upper echelon and the lower class. The U.S. Supreme Court has fully given way to elitist rule, allowing the wealthy to wield their natural tenacities to grow dollar bills from rocks and plant them kindly into the pockets of political candidates that would support their hidden agendas of clandestine rule and continued hegemonification of the lower class. As recent as April 2, 2014 in McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission, the U.S. Supreme court released the contribution limits placed on the wealthy under the pretense of free speech as provided by the first amendment. In order to prevent further dissemination to the balance of equality amongst the classes within the United States, it is imperative for Congress to start the implementation of a detailed Constitutional Amendment defining strict regulations regarding funding towards political campaigns, as well as a clear definition to the inherent differences between an individual and a corporate entity or “faction.”
In closing, we mention how the impact of the BNC will have on us and the future generations of America. I aside with their formation of brining this country back from the corrupt system that’s in place. BNC is attacking major issues which should have every American on their toes if they wish to gain their sovereignty back from the proclaimed elites. Who are controlling Washington, after providing, major political contributions?
Constitutionally, the case at first appears to be a rather one-sided violation of the First Amendment as incorporated through the Fourteenth. The court, however, was of a different opinion: "...