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Essay colonialism in africa
The problem with colonialism in Africa
The problem with colonialism in Africa
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The emergence of Africana-humanist thought and Fanonian philosophy in the late 1960’s is arguably, one of the most important ideological developments ever to take place in the evolution of African political progress. Seen as a revolutionary way of thinking, it surfaced at a time when above-ground black political activities were virtually nonexistent in Africa, following the suppression of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) by the racist colonial governments. The alienation of the colonized youth from the dominant white colonist society found concrete expression in the work of such academics as Frantz Fanon. In his book The Wretched of the Earth, Fanon’s stunning intellectual manuscript adheres to the praise of anticolonial revolution. First published in French in 1961, then the English translation in 1963, Fanon’s book aided a shift in discourse which permitted perceptions of Africa to change. Published at a time of fluctuating political power, it overshadowed many liberal analyses of African independence being produced at the time. Numerous revolutionaries advocated the adoption of radical political ideology, which borrowed major elements from the pioneering writings of Fanon. It is the purpose of this essay to demonstrate the dynamic link between Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth and the issue of political apathy.
Observing critically and with suspicion the charade which played out between colonial powers and colonized peoples, Fanon used his experience treating Algerian mental patients to comment on the therapeutic effects that revolutionary violence has on the brainwashed minds of the colonized. Seemingly preoccupied with the renowned side effect of colonialism, an underlying theme of Fa...
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...ent which declares its intent to politicize the people expresses its desire to govern with the people and for the people” (Fanon 1963, 124).
In the struggle for total liberation, Fanon advocated the use of any means, including violence, to achieve that objective. There can be no question that in all national liberation struggles the secret for success lies primarily in the mind, where all revolutions are hatched and nurtured. This was Fanon's message which was so effectively and powerfully transmitted in The Wretched of the Earth. His revolutionary ideas became effectively entrenched within countless anti-colonial movements; branding a central message to oppressed and exploited people, Fanon attributed great importance for the colonized to break off their chains, cleanse their politically apathetic minds, and to take up the struggle for total liberation.
Since the 1880?s, when European nations colonized Africa, Europe had almost complete control over the continent, but this changed during the 1950?s and 60?s. By 1958, ten African countries had gained their independence, and sixteen more joined the list in 1960 alone. Although these nations? gain of independence demonstrates the ability of blacks to overpower their white oppressors, Baldwin argues ?The word ?independence? in Africa and the word ?integration? here are almost equally meaningless; that is, Europe has not yet left Africa, and black men here are not yet free? (336). While black people had been legally free in the United States since 1863, two decades before the European colonization of Africa, they were still not truly free, almost a century later.
In the first segment of his film series, Different but Equal, Basil Davidson sets out to disprove the fictitious and degrading assumptions about African civilization made by various Western scholars and explorers. Whether it is the notion that Africans are “savage and crude in nature” or the presumed inability of Africans to advance technologically, these stereotypes are damaging to the image and history of Africa. Although European Renaissance art depicts the races of white and black in equal dignity, there was a drastic shift of European attitudes toward Africa that placed Africans in a much lower standing than people of any other culture. The continent of Africa quickly became ravished by the inhuman slave trade and any traditional civilization
Fanon focuses on two related desires that constitute the pathology of the colonial situation: “The Black man wants to be white. The white man is desperately trying to achieve the rank of man” (p. xiii). As an unconscious desire, this can result in a series of irrational behaviors and beliefs, such as the Antillean speaking French, the desire for a white
Fanon stated that in order to achieve liberation we need violence. He clearly says, “But it (decolonization) cannot be accomplished by the wave of a magic wand, a natural cataclysm, or a gentleman’s agreement”(3) It was and is a vital part against colonialism and imperialism. Because not only do the colonized have to fight for liberty they have to dominate those once colonized centers. When they fight for liberty the natives become united. That is his first strategy in order to obtain decolonization.
The author of this paper disagrees with this assessment. TWE is more than that; it is an informed way out of a psychological deadlock, cannot be resolved in any other way. It is an attempt to stop a severe form of subjugation and degradation that focuses on the wellbeing of the oppressed. The only player in the “Manichean game” that was willing to end it. Fanon’s “regression” to violence is not a sign of resignation, nor of radicalization. It is a well-informed recourse to get rid of an abuser that has proven to be hopelessly egocentric, unsuited to live in a truly humanist society, even less so in bringing it about. Hence, Fanon was to the very end committed to improve the lives of the
Frantz Fanon grew up in a well off family in French colonial Martinique. He was schooled in France and became a psychiatrist. After volunteering for the free French army during the Second World War, Fanon spent a number of years in the French colony of Algeria before and during the revolution (Zaidi). Because of his life and education, Fanon had a unique perspective to criticize and deconstruct colonialism and decolonization. Using a Marxist lens, he theorized that because colonies were created and maintained in violence, that a colony could only decolonize through violence. He saw violence as the best means to throw off the false consciousness of colonialism and envisioned a brotherhood or comradeship of free and equal people. It is Fanon’s similarity with Martin Luther King, Jr. that is most interesting. In the Letter from a Birmingham Jail, King makes many of the same arguments as Fanon, but proposes a better solution revolving around justice. Fanon’s obsession with violence it at the centre of his argument, however non-violent direct action, according to King, would be a better way to achieve freedom and equality because ultimately unjust action does not bring about justice.
Although, the Civil war brought about change for Africans, along with this change it brought heart ache, despair and restriction of worship to the African...
black feminist scholars focuses more on Fanon’s later works and his active involvement in the struggle for decolonization. She discusses the work of La Rue and Beale, to scholars that were personally invested in the African American Freedom Struggle of the 1960s and 70s and who were critical of the selective application of Fanon some of their male allies displayed (83; 85; 87). In order to provide a more contemporary comparison, Sharpley-Whiting ends her discussion with bell hooks interpretation of Fanon. However, in doing so, she largely dismisses her explanation of Fanon’s contemptuous presentation of Capécia, which hooks links to his difficult relationship to his mother
A. Adu Boahen's African Perspectives on Colonialism neatly classifies African responses to European colonialism during both phases of invasion and occupation during the 19th century with precise labels according to their nature or time period. However, the reactions can also be loosely grouped into two diametric characterizations: peaceful and violent. Although creating this dichotomy seems a gross generalization and oversimplification of the colonial African experience, it more importantly allows for a different perspective- one that exposes the overwhelming success of the typically peaceful or pacifist reaction in contrast to the little gain and large losses of the violent response.
The strength of Pan-Africanism, at its height, came from its numbers — the support from the black community was extremely high. What drew this overwhelming support was the message of self-worth and a chance of self-identity throughout the African diaspora. Dubois and Garvey both held and promoted the belief that, as an alienated citizen in Ameri...
In L'aventure ambiguë, the colonization of Senegal by the French have led to different and often conflicting views from different characters, clashes of different cultures and practices of religion, as well as the education that was provided by the Diallobé and from the new foreign schools. These few examples are useful in explaining the term victim', i.e. what he is a victim of, and later on how these forces may have influenced him over the course of the story. To simplify this essay, my essay will be focused mainly on Westernisation' and 'Africanism', as I believe that all these factors come under those headings.
In his analysis of French colonization in Black Skin, White Masks (1952), Frantz Fanon relates
For this assignment I chose to write about Jomo Kenyatta. After reading chapters three and four of Khapoya’s book, it was hard to imagine an Africa that wasn’t under colonial rule. I can only comprehend on a very basic level the impact colonialism had on the Africans economically, physically, and mentally. It is inspiring to read further and discover the immense, calculated, and passionate efforts that many Pan African leaders played in the years that followed. I found Jomo Kenyatta to be particularly interesting. For many reasons, Kenyatta is considered one of the most significant leaders of the Pan African movement in the twentieth century. Kenyatta had a clear vision of what he wanted for Kenya (or Africa as a whole), he was prepared for the path he would have to take, and he accomplished much for the country and continent as a whole.
While the economic and political damage of the scramble for Africa crippled the continent’s social structure, the mental warfare and system of hierarchy instituted by the Europeans, made the continent more susceptible to division and conquest. The scramble for partition commenced a psychological warfare, as many Africans were now thrust between the cultural barriers of two identities. As a result, institutions for racial inferiority became rooted in the cultural identity of the continent. This paper will expound on the impact of colonialism on the mental psyche of Africans and the employment of the mind as a means to seize control. I will outline how the mental hierarchy inculcated by the Europeans paved the way for their “divide and conquer” tactic, a tool essential for European success. Through evidence from a primary source by Edgar Canisius and the novel, King Leopold’s Ghost, I will show how colonial influences heightened the victimization of Africans through psychological means. I will culminate by showing how Robert Collins fails to provide a holistic account of colonialism, due to his inability to factor in the use of psychological warfare as a means to the end. By dissecting the minds of both the colonizer and the colonized, I hope to illustrate the susceptibility of African minds to European influences and how psychological warfare transformed Africans from survivors to victims during colonialism.
Having done the above analysis on my favourite text, “Anowa” by Ama Ataa Aidoo, I realise that my like for the text have heightened because the analysis of Anowa has given me a deeper understanding of Africa’s colonialism. I now know what actually led to our colonialisation (the betrayal) and how it began(the bond of 1844) through the personal lives of Anowa and Kofi.