Analyze Beveridge’s language for evidence of his understanding of race and its role in defining civilization. How does he define the mission of our race?
It seems like Beveridge does not think the traditions and customs of other races should be kept after the overthrow of their government. He believes that the Caucasian race is better than any other race. Beveridge wanted to rule over multiple civilizations, expand American borders, and spread Christianity to the “savage” population. The “mission of our race” would also have been to rule over Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, and other small islands like Europe did. Beveridge thought he saved those civilizations from a “savage and alien population” by ruling them. He wanted to use the resources from his colonies. An example of this would be Cuba’s 15,000,000 acres of forest.
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How did he and other pro-expansionists adapt that language to the geographical needs of the turn of the century?
Beveridge drew on 19th century antebellum expansion during his speech. In paragraphs 1-3, he explained how America was so many different things that added to the greatness of the colonies. For example, he said America was “a noble land that god has given us” and “a greater England with a nobler destiny.” He also drew on the fact that we had “saved” other nations from being savage. Beveridge spoke of the resources in the countries that America had conquered. “Their [Puerto Rico's] trade will be ours in time,” further explaining that he was pro-expansion for his own benefit.
How does Beveridge answer critics who opposed American imperialism in the latter 19th
Throughout most of the nineteenth century, the United States expanded its territory westward through purchase and annexation. At the end of the century, however, expansion became imperialism, as America acquired several territories overseas. This policy shift from expansionism to imperialism came about as a result of American's experience in the Spanish American War and the Congressional debates that followed the American victory.
He attempts to shock his reader into believing America is falling apart by comparing the diverse cultures that are active in it today. At one point in the essay, Buchanan writes “Our population is down to 67 percent European, and falling; 14.5 percent Hispanic and rising rapidly, 13 percent black and holding, and 4.5 percent Asian and rising” (599). The usage of “Our” in the sense of talking about Americans is a viewpoint that excludes anyone who is not white from being a true American. In addition, Buchanan is segregating the population by the color of their skin and creating an ethnic hierarchy. By only including white people in the definition of an American, Buchanan is showing an ethnocentric trait that Fredrickson analysed in his own essay. Fredrickson describes this changing viewpoint in American society when he examines the acceptance of all white people and the differences between colored people growing “more striking and salient than ever” (567). In general, Buchanan does not recognize the differences between white people, focusing primarily on the differences between white and non-white people. The correlation between the statistics he presents and the color of people’s skin undoubtedly prove Buchanan’s take on skin color and their ability to be American. This trait within Buchanan’s writing, coupled with the non-acceptance of colored people, has a strong presence throughout his essay, ultimately weakening his
...servation. His most important points were as follows: education taught the Negro to feel inferior, it has not prepared Negroes to make an adequate living in his community and mis-educated the Negroes are hindering racial development rather than aiding it.
He refers to all the immigration groups in a judgmental way. He complains about the intelligence levels of the Italians, how dirty and deceitful the Jews are, and even the immaculate cleanliness of the Chinamen. Although he does possess quite a bit of bigotry that boarders on the line of prejudice when it comes to African Americans he recognizes that they are suffering from racism and he sympathizes with th...
• Many people believe that Thomas Jefferson’s desire to acquire land exceeded executive powers established under the constitution. However, the United States is a growing nation, and I experienced this growth as secretary of state for Mr. Jefferosn. This chart represents the population of the United States from when the first census was preformed until the projected numbers for the 1820 census. As you can plainly see, the number of people in the United States is growing by 2-2.5 million people per decade. There is not enough land to support these numbers, but buying the Louisiana Purchase added plenty of space for our nation to continue growing. Population density will be at a low for the time being thanks to westward expansion. The Louisiana Purchase will also add to our agrarian economy, which is supported by Republicans.
Albert Gallatin Brown, U.S. Senator from Mississippi, speaking with regard to the several filibuster expeditions to Central America: "I want Cuba . . . I want Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or two other Mexican States; and I want them all for the same reason -- for the planting and spreading of slavery." [Battle Cry of Freedom, p. 106.]
The early 1800’s was a very important time for America. The small country was quickly expanding. With the Louisiana Purchase and the Lewis and Clark expedition, America almost tripled in size by 1853. However, even with the amount of land growing, not everyone was welcomed with open arms. With the expansion of the country, the white Americans decided that they needed the Natives out.
A very profound statement in the document was when he stated, “No race can prosper till it learns that there is as much dignity in tilling a field as in writing a poem”,
When considering the presidents of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt is almost always associated with ideas of imperialism, progressivism, and masculinity. Bederman uses Roosevelt as the perfect example of manhood and exposes his form of racially dominant manhood. She writes, “for Roosevelt, race and gender, were inextricably intertwined with each other” (214). Evidence of this can be found in her discussion of Roosevelt’s African
Throughout history, the United States had come off as a stubborn nation that would take what they wanted at any cost. This was prevalent in both cases of expansion as the Americans risked war and national safety for the sake of gaining land, or even merely for proving a point. During the early years of expansion, the Americans had pushed aside the Native Americans and whoever else inhabited the land they wanted. They believed that the land was rightfully theirs and that every one else was merely squatting on their territory. This idea was continued into the early twentieth century as the Americans looked to the oceans for new territories to their kingdom. This idea is greatly exemplified in document 'E', in which Senator Albert J. Beveridge delivers a speech to Congress, saying that, "...and thanksgiving to Almighty God that He has marked us as His chosen people, henceforth to lead in the regeneration of the world..."
In “A More Perfect Union”, Obama asked the audience to view themselves through the eyes of the others (Terrill 371). Instead of imposing a moral superiority of one side of the audience like Lincoln did or telling the audience to ignore the diversity, Obama asked the people to embrace their differences and acknowledge the others. In referring to the perspective of black people, he said, “A lack of economic opportunity among black men and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family contributed to the erosion of black families...” Meanwhile, to show how some white people might feel, he narrated, “...when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudice, resentment builds over time.” By juxtaposing two different perspectives, Obama tried to ask for agreement that people’s anxiety over racial problems is
In the early days of America’s expansion westward, travel from the coast of North America into the heartland of the continent, was certainly a reoccurring problem. DeWitt Clinton, who served as the mayor of New York City and later Governor of New York State, had the vision and drive to build the first 363-mile long Erie Canal. In doing this DeWitt felt that America would control the expansion westward. It was feared that if the United States did not have a good connection to the west, that Canada could connect to the west and further more en...
This is done by using symbols such as flags or symbols that are religious in nature that an audience can identify with. Enfolding oneself with an icon such as a flag can make this person feel that they are in a position of power or have achieved a certain status. When this has been achieved people tend to become excited and captivated by the fallacy the speaker is manipulating them into believing. Therefore, Beveridge sways his audience with symbols of the flag, God, and the love they feel for their country. By doing this, he hopes that his audience will feel that the citizens of smaller countries would benefit from our form of democracy and welcome it with open
William Apess then asks his mostly white audience to reexamine their Christian values along with their prejudices. His essay acknowledges that unless the discrimination and prejudices that plague the white man over the other races disappear, then there won’t be peace in the Union.
As one of the presidents during the Progressive Era, Theodore Roosevelt led the United States of America through a series of dramatic changes that interrupted the lives and ideologies that Americans during the time were more than familiarized with. Industrialization, women’s suffrage, the sexual revolution, imperialism, and “muckraking” journalism were just a few of the controversial, yet significant characteristics of this era. However, perhaps one of the largest and most vital influences during this time period came from the outside. Immigration was an issue that Roosevelt himself addressed rather perceptibly in his paper entitled “True Americanism,” which first appeared in a magazine called The Forum in April, 1894. However, it is not the idea of immigration that vexed Roosevelt; rather it was his concern and fear of the possibility that the increase in immigration of foreign people and cultures would culminate the concept of American patriotism, or “Americanism” as a whole. This paper will analyze the different elements of Roosevelt’s “True Americanism” by exploring the historical context of the document, highlighting Americanism as Roosevelt explicates it, observing the rhetoric used throughout the document, and discerning Roosevelt’s intended audience.