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French colonialsim vietnam
Involvement of the US in the Vietnam war
Effect on the U.S. in the Vietnam War
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After the end of World War Two President Truman declared that all nations had the right to self determination. Hindsight shows that this declaration was either ignored or it was only half hearted to begin with. Multiple blunders throughout the following century show that American political forces sought to dominate the world through military action and economic subversion. The Red scare would dominate foreign policy as the U.S. extended its power and influence in a policy of “containment” to ensure Capitalisms success and Communisms demise. What is sad is that so little thought seems to have ever been given to the lives of the citizens that would be affected throughout the world by this ideology. In its attempts to support democracy and liberty the U.S. seems to have forgot the concept of “of the people, by the people, and for the people” and replaced it with “of America, by America, and for America.”
The time leading up to and including the Vietnam War is one of the U.S.’s great foreign policy blunders. At the end of WWII President Truman called for the self-determination of all peoples. This did not apply to the French controlled Indochina. After the Japanese were defeated and a power vacuum was created in the region Ho Chi Minh declared the nation the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Quoting the American Declaration of Independence, calling for the equality of all men, Ho Chi Minh set out to unify the country under Vietnam control. The U.S. along with the U.S.S.R. and the United Kingdom wanted to keep the region under French control and military assets and funding were sent to maintain the area. France eventually began a campaign against nationalist guerilla fighters receiving 80% of its funding from the U.S. as to...
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...lled by another least it find itself in mortal combat. The failure to apply self-determination to all nations has caused the U.S. to create many enemies in the world and has done more harm than good in our goal of national security. Though we may not feel a great threat from any one nation, the extremist that have spawned throughout the world, most notably in the Middle East, have shown this nation just how vulnerable we are. The multiple embassy bombings, the bombing of the USS Cole and the attacks of September 11th are simply the radicalism we created in our endeavor to create “pro-American” powers. It is in my opinion that we take ourselves off this high pedestal and start acting like a partner in global affairs instead of its puppet master.
Works Cited
McKay, John p. et, al, A History of World Societies, 8th Edition. Boston: Bedford/St Martins, 2008
When Vietnamese revolutionary Ho Chi Minh and his political organization, the Vietminh, seized control of their independence from France United States Politicians saw it as another communist take over. When really Ho was more a nationalist than a communist. All Minh wanted was for the United States to recognize its independence from France and to send aid to help it reach its nationalistic goals. "Before the Cold War Ho and the Vietmin...
...he basic concepts that should be the foundations of foreign policy. America's position in the world evolved from being a world power that was unconcerned about international security in 1900 to 1950 when America was still a world power, but Americans had to contend with the fear of annihilation by the Soviet Union. Williams states that the ultimate "tragedy of American diplomacy" was the failure of the Open Door Policy. This failure, according to the author, resulted not from its misapplication or inherent weaknesses, but rather its successes. This culminated into the Cold War, as Truman demanded resumption of the Open Door Policy without providing economic assistance to the Soviet Union. These perspectives have relevance in the contemporary international environment and could be utilized in an examination of American involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq.
After returning, Minh had help from the Vietminh; an organization of communist that wanted freedom from other countries. Their main goal was to turn Vietnam into a self-governed communist country. France wanted none of this non-sense. In 1945 they had moved back into southern Vietnam and ruled most of the cities. Ho Chi Minh swore to fight France to gain control of the whole country. U.S. promised to aid France, and sent almost $15 million worth of financial aid to France. The French fought for four years, being financially aided by the U.S. the whole time. The U.S. spent nearly one billion dollars in order to help France regain control of the tiny country. The only reason that much effort was put into a small area was the fear of the y. Domino Theory. The Domino Theory first showed it's head during a 1954 news conference by U.S. President Eisenhower. The domino theory is the fear of the spread of communism from one country to the next, and so on. Even with the assistance of the U.S. France could not gain the control it once had on Vietnam.
My thesis concludes that apart from the containment argument, what America sought by intervening in Vietnam was the opportunity to demonstrate its credibility as a world power. Allen (2008), Young (2002), and Jones (2001) expressed great distrust in regards to America’s motives for entering the war. They argued that from the beginning Vietnam was not a threat nor did it seek to pursue ties with Communist superpowers; Vietnam only sought independence and was willing to cooperate with the United States in order to resolve this misunderstanding. A lack of education in Vietnamese history and the general exaggerated sentiments of paranoia in regards to the spread of Communism led to a miscalculated decision that reverberated repercussions for decades. As a result, these authors accused the United States of having attempted to prevent the nationalist forces in Bien Phu, of engineering the divide between a “Communist” North and an “Anticommunist” South in Vietnam, and of invading to prevent the National Liberation Front from coming to power in 1965 and reuniting the country that the U.S. had conquered....
It is understandable that some Americans strongly opposed the United States getting involved in the Vietnam War. It had not been a long time since the end of World War II and simply put, most Americans were tired of fighting. Mark Atwood Lawrence is one of the people who opposed our involvement in the Vietnam War. In his essay, “Vietnam: A Mistake of Western Alliance”, Lawrence argues that the Vietnam War was unnecessary and that it went against our democratic policies, but that there were a lot of things that influenced our involvement.
Many Americans believed our involvement in Vietnam began around 1965?the beginning of combat with American boys. In reality, engagement began much earlier, around 1945. The US supported France and rejected to recognize the Vietnamese nationalists as an actually body. The leader of the Vietnamese nationalists was Ho Chi Mihn and he was known as a communist. Our reasons for supporting France, more or less, reflected our foreign policy: containment. Post-WWII, our main focus was to contain Communism, as seen through the Truman. Doctrine. ?Truman and his advisors, who saw Communism as a monolithic force, assumed wrongly that Ho took orders from Moscow.? (AP:897) Because they believed that Ho had a connection with Communist Russia, the US wanted to support the more democratic side. American showed its support in aiding over 3/4 of the cost of France?s war.
Flory, Harriette, and Samuel Jenike. A World History: The Modern World. Volume 2. White Plains, NY: Longman, 1992. 42.
JOHN F. KENNEDY IN VIETNAM There are many critical questions surrounding United States involvement in Vietnam. American entry to Vietnam was a series of many choices made by five successive presidents during these years of 1945-1975. The policies of John F. Kennedy during the years of 1961-1963 were ones of military action, diplomacy, and liberalism. Each of his decision was on its merits at the time the decision was made. The belief that Vietnam was a test of the Americas ability to defeat communists in Vietnam lay at the center of Kennedy¡¦s policy. Kennedy promised in his inaugural address, Let every nation know...that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and success of liberty. From the 1880s until World War II, France governed Vietnam as part of French Indochina, which also included Cambodia and Laos. The country was under the formal control of an emperor, Bao Dai. From 1946 until 1954, the Vietnamese struggled for their independence from France during the first Indochina War. At the end of this war, the country was temporarily divided into North and South Vietnam. North Vietnam came under the control of the Vietnamese Communists who had opposed France and aimed for a unified Vietnam under Communist rule. Vietnamese who had collaborated with the French controlled the South. For this reason the United States became involved in Vietnam because it believed that if all of the country fell under a Communist government, Communism would spread throughout Southeast Asia and further. This belief was known as the domino theory. The decision to enter Vietnam reflected America¡¦s idea of its global role-U.S. could not recoil from world leadership. The U.S. government supported the South Vietnamese government. The U.S. government wanted to establish the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), which extended protection to South Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos in case of Communist subversion. SEATO, which came into force in 1955, became the way which Washington justified its support for South Vietnam; this support eventually became direct involvement of U.S. troops. In 1955, the United States picked Ngo Dinh Diem to replace Bao Dai as head of the anti-Communist regime in South Vietnam. Eisenhower chose to support Ngo Dinh Diem. John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born in Brookline, Mass., on May 29, 1917. Kennedy graduated from Harvard University in 1940 and joined the Navy the next year.
Ellis, Elizabeth Gaynor, and Anthony Esler. World History: The Modern Era. Boston: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2007. Print.
John P. McKay et al., Understanding World Societies A Brief History Volume 1 to 1600. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2010. Print.
Abstract: Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been the world’s only unquestioned superpower. How the United States evaluates its position as global hegemon has important consequences for American foreign policy, particularly with regards to the potential for future policy constraints. Thus, this paper seeks to consider the question: How durable is American hegemony? The paper first defines the state of American hegemony and then considers the primary challengers: Europe, Russia, China, Japan and imperial overstretch. It will conclude that in the long-term, East Asian geopolitical instability poses the greatest threat to American hegemony, but that in the short-term, the hegemony will prove to be quite durable as long as the United States can counteract the phenomenon of imperial overstretch. In order to diffuse both internal and international threats to hegemony, American leaders should work to pursue national interests within a framework of consensus and legitimacy as much as possible.
Beck, Roger B., Linda Black, Larry S. Krieger, Phillip C. Naylor, and Dahia I. Shabaka. World History: Patterns of Interaction. Evanston, IL: McDougal Littell, 2009.
McKay, J/P/, Hill, B.D., Buckler, J., Ebrey, P.B., Beck, R.B., Crowston, C.H., & Wiesner-Hanks, M.E. (2008). A History of World Societies, Volume A: From Antiquity to 1500. New York, NY: Bedford/St. Martin's
Vietnam was a struggle which, in all honesty, the United States should never have been involved in. North Vietnam was battling for ownership of South Vietnam, so that they would be a unified communist nation. To prevent the domino effect and the further spread of communism, the U.S. held on to the Truman Doctrine and stood behind the South Vietnamese leader, Diem.
McKay, John. et al. A History of World Societies: Volume 1 To 1600. Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2011.