Since joining the EU, countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have been reported to have reverted to illiberal policies. This essay addresses this topic by examining broad trends in the region, firstly defining ‘illiberal policies’ and why these might occur once EU conditionalities have weakened post-accession. It then analyses the extent to which there is evidence of ‘backsliding’, if this is present amongst voters and politicians, and whether it can be explained by weakening EU conditionalities. It shows that there is evidence of reversion to illiberal policies, albeit with limitations, particularly concerning voters. It finds that EU conditionalities are only a weak explanation of the trend.
‘Illiberal’ policies are not necessarily undemocratic: they can be enacted by legitimate actors, supported by voters, but contravene constitutional limits, freedoms and other liberal ideals. In CEE, there is concern over the rise of populist parties and rhetoric. This essay uses Mudde’s conception of political populism: a ‘thin-centered’ ideology where society is separated into two dichotic groups: ‘pure people’ versus ‘corrupt elite’. Characteristics of populist parties include supporting direct democracy and primacy of national politics. Ideas are often presented through emotions, not alternative policies. A rise in illiberal policies and populism may occur because of weakening EU conditionalities post-accession: previously the EU held leverage over states and conditionalities led to them to enact policies that were not necessarily beneficial. Upon joining the EU, these changes can be reversed and other policies enacted without the penalties.
There is substantial evidence that voters and politicians in CEE have reverted to il...
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Theodora Dragostinova wrote that the revolutions of 1989 had a “colossal impact of global significance because they ended the Cold War” and “brought the demise of communist dictatorships” in eastern Europe forever. (1989 Twenty Years On: The End of Communism and the Fate of Eastern Europe) Many changes have been made to the Eastern European countries in the years following the revolutions but one thing hasn’t changed. Communism hasn’t returned. Democracy has been maintained. In Timothy Garton Ash’s novel, “The Magic Lantern”, the author shows his sense of pride in his country. The people of these countries brought about this change by themselves, for themselves and they did it peacefully.
The traditional responses to the far-right politics that thrive in the world have proven to be largely unsuccessful. Ignoring the problem is not effective either. Therefore, I believe organizations and established political parties – especially on the left - should seek innovative approaches to fight populism. Perhaps, the best way to contain these movements is to maintain strong communication with local communities to get them informed and involved in politics in a positive way. We need better regulations to guarantee that this fast spread of fascist beliefs has limited impact on society.
Almost twenty five years after the fall of the Iron Curtain in the late 80s and early 90s, a few countries emerged from the shadow of the former eastern bloc such as Estonia and Poland have quite successfully transformed themselves into modern democracies while others seemed to have simply failed to do so. The Russian Federation, the successor state of the Russian SFSR, is a particularly interesting case.
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A Democratic Deficit in the EU The question over the legitimacy of the EU has been a nearly continuous debate and many commentators appear to agree that the EU suffers from a severe ‘democratic deficit’. There are many reasons why this perception is so widespread. As a multinational body it lacks the grounding in common history and culture upon which most individual polities can draw.
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The European Union (EU), since the initial foundation in 1952 as the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and throughout periods of development, has been considered one of the most advanced forms of regional integration. It, based on numerous treaties and resolutions, has strived to promote values such as peace, cooperation or democracy, and in 2012 was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for having “contributed to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights in Europe” (Nobel Media AB, 2012). Despite its struggle for promoting democracy, the EU itself has long experienced scholarly criticisms that it suffers the democratic deficit, from which its democratic legitimacy is undermined by observable problems in political accountability and participation. As the importance of legitimacy in a democratically representative institution is hardly debatable, the criticism of whether and why the EU lacks democracy has been given a considerable gravity in academia.
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One of the most controversial debates in the history of European Union (EU) is if there is a democratic deficit in the EU. On the one hand, many scholars argued that the democratic deficit exists in the EU. On the other hand, there are other scholars who claimed that there is not a democratic deficit in the EU. In this essay, the writer will support the argument that the democratic deficit in the EU exists and will propose how this deficit can be reduced. In the first part of this paper the arguments, which support the existence of the democratic deficit, will be discussed. After that, this essay will present the claims that there is no democratic deficit in the EU. Finally, as the argument of this essay is that there is a democratic deficit in the EU, is to present some ways, which can reduce the democratic deficit in the EU.
Populism is a political ideology centered on the perspective that there is a separation and inherent struggle between the populace [‘the pure people’] and a ruling faction [‘the corrupt elite’] (Mudde 2015: 2). Moreover, populism constructs a particular view on society and how it should be structured—and populist leaders and movement focus only a limited part of the larger political agenda, a demand that many people can identify with, like lower taxes or less immigration (Muller 2014: 3). Populism is pro-democracy, supporting popular sovereignty and majority rule and argues that politics should be an expression of the general will of the people. But, it is anti-liberal democracy, rejecting pluralism and minority rights (Mudde 2015:2) Historically
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The enlargement of the European Union (EU) in 2004 and 2007 has been termed as the largest single expansion of the EU with a total of 12 new member states – bringing the number of members to 27 – and more than 77 million citizens joining the Commission (Murphy 2006, Neueder 2003, Ross 2011). A majority of the new member states in this enlargement are from the eastern part of the continent and were countries that had just emerged from communist economies (EC 2009, Ross 2011), although overall, the enlargement also saw new member states from very different economic, social and political compared to that of the old member states (EC 2009, Ross 2011). This enlargement was also a historical significance in European history, for it saw the reunification of Europe since the Cold War in a world of increasing globalization (EC 2009, Mulle et al. 2013, Ross 2011). For that, overall, this enlargement is considered by many to have been a great success for the EU and its citizens but it is not without its problems and challenges (EC 2009, Mulle et al. 2013, Ross 2011). This essay will thus examine the impact of the 2004/2007 enlargements from two perspectives: firstly, the impact of the enlargements on the EU as a whole, and thereafter, how the enlargements have affected the new member states that were acceded during the 2004/2007 periods. Included in the essay will be the extent of their integration into the EU and how being a part of the Commission has contributed to their development as nation states. Following that, this essay will then evaluate the overall success of the enlargement process and whether the EU or the new member states have both benefited from the accessions or whether the enlargement has only proven advantageous to one th...
The report is based on the use of populism being commonly used in the recent events. With events such as Donald becoming the president of the United States of America or the United Kingdom Brexit fiasco. There is a misconception on the word “populist” that has become more evident in the recent years.