The long-standing border conflict between the African nations of Eritrea and Ethiopia greatly contribute to the overall destabilization in the Horn of Africa (HOA). The United States (US) and Great Britain have historically appreciated the strategic importance of Ethiopia, and the US offered its support by attempting to broker long-term treaties in order to end the conflicts (Lyon, 2006). Despite these efforts the region remains in flux; many believe Eritrea is providing support to Al-Shabab. Eritrea is currently subject to United Nations (UN) sanctions because of their suspected ties to Al-Shabab and other human rights violations (Van Kemenade, 2012). This instability, combined with Eritrea’s and Ethiopia’s involvement with various sects in Somalia, is a threat to US national security and is costing the US and others in the international community large amounts of money in humanitarian aid (Lyon, 2006).
The border between Eritrea and Ethiopia has been a point of contention between the two countries for decades. In 1962, ten years after Italy withdrew from Eritrea, Ethiopia annexed the small port nation, and the two counties remained in non-stop armed conflict for 30 years (Shah, 2000). Ethiopia believed they should have their own rights to shipping ports, and Eritrea was unable to defend itself, in large part because of a weak economy and poor military; additionally, because of this weak economy, Eritrea relied heavily upon Ethiopia’s natural resources (Tesfai, n.d.). By 1991, Eritrea nearly exclusively controlled all possible Ethiopian routes to the sea, however Eritrea was willing to guarantee Ethiopian use of the port of Assad (Van der Splinter, n.d.). In April 1993, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), under...
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...in the Horn of Africa; U.S. Policy Toward Ethiopia and
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Ethiopia is one of the most unique among African countries for maintaining its freedom from colonial rule, with the short exception of an occupation by the Italians from 1936-1941. A socialist state was established in 1974 with the overthrow of Emperor Selassie, who had been in control since 1930. A junta or group of military officers called the Derg was responsible for the coup. Yet, this corrupt administration has lead only to warfare and wide scale public suffering. In 1991, the junta was finally brought down by a combination of revolutionary forces who called themselves the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front. In 1994, a constitution was drafted and 1995 marked Ethiopia’s first multiparty elections. Recently, a boarder feud with Eritrea, that lasted over 2 years, was ended in December of 2000; yet recent objections by Ethiopia have delayed a final declaration of border.
The terrorist threat posed to United States (U.S.) interests within the Horn of Africa (HOA) is represented by one terrorist organization in particular, al-Shabaab. Areas of concern towards key strategic interests for the U.S. consist of armed conflicts, violent extremism, global trade, and maritime security in which al-Shabaab possess an influential capacity to disrupt, which effects political, economic, and social stability throughout region. As countries within the HOA continue to gain strategic importance to U.S. interest and policy makers, al-Shabaab and the various entities they collaborate with affect the stability of the region and remain a prevalent threat.
Eritrea was part of Ethiopian history since the first century A.D. it was one major part of the Axumite and Abyssinian rulers of Ethiopia. Historical and anthropological studies show that Eritrea was part of Ethiopia’s genealogy until the 1890 Italian invasion.1 Eritrea fall under Italian c...
Terrorist organizations in Somalia, located within the Horn of Africa, present a current threat to the region and to United States (U.S.) interests. This paper will address the implication of a terrorist network within Somalia by analyzing the actions and motivations of Al-Shabab, the Somali Government, and the United States. Al-Shabab is gathering support by using religion, undermining the Somali Government, and by providing jobs and opportunities for the people of Somalia. If Al-Shabab continues growing in power it could lead to more extreme terrorists attacks in Somalia and the region.
In this section, I will provide a brief history of U.S. military involvement on the African continent, starting with the Barbary Wars and working up through the current date. This historical documentation will highlight the change in the role the United States has played in Africa [post 9-11???]. Prior to 9-11, the United States’ interactions were mainly [capture summary here]. Since [?], however, the continent has faced a marked increase in violent extremism and terrorism leading the United States to partner with many African nations in counterterrorism initiatives. These, and other initiatives, mean an increasing number U.S. service members are deploying to Africa to take part in training, humanitarian issues and military operations. These military activities are run by United States African Command, a recently created combatant command.
The purpose of this essay is to adequately depict the current conflict in Darfur and discuss the effects that the Darfur Conflict has had on the neighboring countries, the Horn of Africa region and U.S. interest. In addition, this essay will explore how Darfur Conflict affects global concerns.
This paper focuses on the Eritrean Tigrinya, their past role as a catalyst which started the 30 year Eritrean war for independence from Ethiopia, and their possible future use in stabilizing the Horn of Africa (Almedom, 2006). The Eritrean pan-national government was accused of arming and funding the al-Qaida-linked Somali terrorist group Al-Shabaab, as well as other terrorist organizations within Somalia, by the United States, United Nations, and African Union (Abraha, 2009). The world at large appears to take two very distinct and contradictory positions on the political aspirations of the Tigrinya; some people believe that the current terrorist supporting, Islamic Caliphate spreading, totalitarian, minority oppressing Eritrean government is guided by the will of the Tigrinya (Advameg, 2011; Adem, Izaz, Abubaker, 2011). Others maintain that the majority of Tigrinya oppose the current pan-national Eritrean government (Schmitz-Pranghe, 2010). I am inclined to endorse the latter school of thought; quite simply, it is nearly inconceivable that a Christian Orthodox culture would support Islamic extremism or make any attempt to secure an Islamic state within striking distance of its own people.
Sound international relations promote effective cooperation and is key for building beneficial relationships. The United States (U.S.) and the Republic of Djibouti have a diplomatic bilateral relationship; both take a very proactive position against terrorism and are committed to achieving security and stability in the Horn of Africa (HOA). Djibouti has allowed the U.S. military and other nations access to its port and airport facilities. In return, the U.S. provides counterterrorism assistance, humanitarian support, and security to Djibouti. Many know of the military aspect of this relationship, while the other assistance is often overlooked. This is largely due to the U.S. being more focused on the military than stability and aid. Camp Lemonnier, the U.S. base situated at Djibouti’s International Airport serving as a staging ground for U.S. counterterrorism efforts in the HOA and Arabian Peninsula, is getting attention and controversy (W
The United States Military Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa (HOA) is a geographical region that encompasses the countries of Djibouti, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, Kenya, and neighboring Yemen. Each country in the region houses many culturally unique distinctions to include groups, which comprise the HOA area of operation. Specifically one of these culturally unique groups originates out of Yemen. The country of Yemen, according to a 2004 census, has reached almost 20 million people (UNDP, 2010). Over 45% of the population lives on less than $2.00 U.S. a day (UNDP, 2010). The poverty-stricken people in Yemen have shaped a cultural group that in essence contains the majority of the Country’s population. The purpose of this thesis is to illustrate the current Yemen culture shaped by the effects of poverty on the people of Yemen. These effects span a wide array of problematic issues predicated on three major topics. The effects of poverty on the people of Yemen include severe health problems spanning a majority of the region, the decay of the Country’s political infrastructure, and the growing support of terrorist organizations in the region. The dilemmas in Yemen did not solely originate internally. Yemen is host to some 91,587 (as of 2007) refugees from Somalia (CIA, 2011). The wake of events perpetuated by the effects of poverty on the people of Yemen, left unchecked, will continue to erode with significant and lasting negative effects on the entire HOA Area of Responsibility (AOR) to include local, regional, and U.S. interests.
An attack on the Syrian state would fall within the boundaries of the international concept of the responsibility to protect. The crisis in Syria has escalated by protests in March 2011 calling for the release of all political prisoners. National security forces responded to widespread peaceful demonstrations with the use of brutal violence. The Syrian President Bashar al-Assad refused to stop attacks and allow for implementation of the reforms requested by the demonstrators. By July 2011, firsthand accounts emerged from witnesses, victims, and the media that government forces had subjected innocent civilians to detention, torture, and the use of heavy weaponry. The Syrian people were also subjected to the Shabiha, a largely armed state sponsored militia fighting with security forces. Al-Assad continually denied responsibility to these crimes and placed blame on the armed groups and terrorists for these actions.
Ethiopia is a completely landlocked country. Access to the Red Sea is blocked its former autonomous region, Eritrea, which is located to the north of this country. The small country of Djibouti is located to Ethiopia’s northern borders, alongside Eritrea. Preventing access to the Indian Ocean is Somalia on Ethiopia’s eastern border. Lying on Ethiopia’s southern border is Kenya. On the south western border sits South Sudan and Sudan covers the north western border (Ofcansky and Berry).
Tadesse, Debay. Post-independence South Sudan: the challenges ahead. ISPI-ISTITUTO PER GU STUDI DI POLITICA INTERNAZIONALE. February 2012.no.46.
In the Africa, lies the country Somalia, which is located on east coast of the continent. Its capital, Mogadishu, however has inconveniently brought its own problems, from colonization to politics, disagreements arise, causing tension throughout the country. Somalia’s historical background and culture ultimately lead to the war in its capital, it lead to the War of Mogadishu.
Discrepancies arise in the strategic analysis of the security threat piracy and terrorism in the Horn of Africa actually poses. The amount of attacks that can be directly attributed to identified terrorist organizations are remarkably few. Nevertheless, piracy against both private and commercial vessels has increased. In 2012, according to the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF), successful pirate seizers of merchant vessels were reduced from thirty-eight to twenty-one. However, the same report shows a near twenty five percent increase in the number of attempted attacks. On its official website, the International Maritime Organiza...