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Discuss the right to freedom of expression
The right to freedom of expression essay
The right to freedom of expression essay
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On the 15th and 16th day of October 2011, some protestors, led by Tammy Samende and having George Barda and Daniel Ashman, among others, pitched a protest camp in St Paul’s Churchyard. The protesters set up between 150 and 200 tents in the churchyard, with some tents serving as accommodation for the protestors. Other tents were allocated different activities including setting up temporary first aid centres, a learning centre, named Tent City University, and a children’s place. The tents occupied nearly the entire compound of the church, with the protestors extending their activities to the city’s highway.
The land occupied by these protestors was subdivided into three areas, area 1, area2 and area 3. Of these three areas, area 3 was the biggest since it included part of the city’s highway and an area surrounding the church. The area occupying the highway was referred to as area 1, while that occupying the cathedral’s compound was referred to as area 2. All these areas were not operating normally because the protestors had possessed them.
One of the constitutional issues in this case is that the protestors had the right to protest as stipulated in the European Convention on Human Rights. According to article 10 and 11 of the convention, all citizens had the right to protest and to have their grievances heard. This means that the protestors were exercising their rights by protesting against the activities in the London Stock Exchange, and hence the slogans accompanying their protest, ‘Occupy London Stock Exchange’.
By establishing a camp in the church compound, the protestors were exercising their right of expression and were therefore acting within the European Convention on Human Rights. In Article 10 of the convention, all ...
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... separate the city’s region and make it their own. In addition, they were not supposed to possess it as they had done. By building tents and establishing facilities including accommodation tents, the demonstrators took over responsibilities and mandates of the city.
From these provisions, it is evident that the demonstrators were breaching more laws than they were adhering to. Their actions were interfering with the freedom of many individuals, including the city, the worshipers and city dwellers. Although it can be argued that the demonstrators acted within their constitutional mandate, they extended their actions to affect other city dwellers.
Works Cited
City of London v Samede & Ors [2012] EWHC (QB) 34
European Convention on Human Rights 1952, s 1(9)
Highways Act 1980
Local Government Act 1972 2, S 1
Town and Country Planning Act 1990 s 9 (226)
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Protests have long been a way for people to display their difference in opinion and gain support. One of the many protests against the war that had a powerful effect on public opini...
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The following essay will attempt to evaluate the approach taken by Dworkin and Habermas on their views of civil disobedience. The two main pieces of literature referred to will be Dworkin?s paper on 'Civil Disobedience and Nuclear Protest?' and Habermas's paper on 'Civil Disobedience: Litmus Test for the Democratic Constitutional State.' An outline of both Dworkin's and Habermas's approach will be given , further discussion will then focus on a reflective evaluation of these approaches. Firstly though, it is worth commenting on civil disobedience in a more general context. Most would agree that civil disobedience is a 'vital and protected form of political communication in modern constitutional democracies' and further the 'civil disobedience has a legitimate if informal place in the political culture of the community.' Civil disobedience can basically be broken down into two methods, either intentionally violating the law and thus incurring arrest (persuasive), or using the power of the masses to make prosecution too costly to pursue (non persuasive).
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... “…let them lose the business, or be stripped any publicly beaten in the presence of people”, laws were taken very seriously and had consequences to them. People feared and followed all the laws (Document D).
Duffy, John. "Occupy Austin.”. The Austin Chronicle, 1 Feb. 2012. Web. 21 July 2014. .
While the police may have attempted to stop protesting Thoreau states that this is a normal occurrence when a society attempted to ignore the wants of the government. “Men- serve the state with their conscience also, and so necessarily rests it for the most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it” (3). He gives light to the notion that revolting and sending unrest when you are unhappy with your government can often bring you negative light.
“On March 11, the Petrograd army’s troops were called out to try and stop the uprising protesters.”3 Some of the situations, soldiers started to pen fire, killing many demonstrators, but however it did not stop the strikers from leaving ...
The mob rushed into the prison’s courtyard. Some individuals were not as ruthless as others. "...Those who came in first treated the conquered enemy humanely and embraced the staff officers to show there was no ill-feeling..." However, several of the protestors were hurt as they attacked soldiers from the army. "....The people, transformed with rage, threw themselves on the sodiers..." Fierce fighting followed and carried on into the evening. Finally the mob got their hands on some cannons.
Justice is often misconceived as injustice, and thus some essential matters that require more legal attentions than the others are neglected; ergo, some individuals aim to change that. The principles of civil disobedience, which are advocated in both “Civil Disobedience” by Henry David Thoreau and “Letter from Birmingham Jail” by Martin Luther King Jr. to the society, is present up to this time in the U.S. for that purpose.
The Role of Civil Disobedience in Democracy. " Civil Liberties Monitoring Project. American Civil Liberties Monitoring Project, Summer 1998. Web. The Web.