Although India rejected all multilateral attempts which can increase the diplomatic power of the US-alliance in the region, India has established bilateral agreement with a large number of state actors in order to engage closer relationship. However, it is important to note that such emerging relationship is not an alliance, but a strategic partnership. Schaffer determines that India is currently aiming at a selective and strategic partnership which 'starting with common interests that both sides can pursue without too much strain and expanding, as both countries develop the habit of working together is more sensible' . Thus, some view India would play a crucial role in balancing China due to rising power rivalry and growing energy complexities. In response, Malik claims that India's evolving foreign policy reflects its desire to 'build an arc of strategic partnership with China's key neighbours in Asia Pacific and to help neutralize the growing Chinese military assistance and activity around India and to develop counter-leverages of its own to keep China sober' . Mohan also argues that if both India and regional actors recognize its converging interest against China, then they will inevitably 'generate better conditions for balancing China through the framework for a more sustainable strategic coordination in Asia' . Hence, it seems India is seeking geopolitical partnership with both major and littoral states in multiple directions to serve its security interests because India desire neither China nor the US dominate in the region. This essay will first examine how India's security role exercises diplomatic leverage in Asia-Pacific multilateral organizations, such as, in Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Association of ...
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...d New Delhi to add more depth to the US-India defense engagement for a stable balance of power in Asia '. Also, according to Mishra, such undeterred supports from the US to India is the evidence that the US strategically assists India to bring her into the balance of power politics because India is the only state in the region which has the capability to balance China . Furthermore, it seems the primary purpose of the strategic partnership between India and the US is to raise India to the level needed to counterbalance China regionally. As a result, India conducted Malabar naval exercises in the Bay of Bengal in 2007 not only with the US, but also with Japan, Singapore and Australia; transformed into a multilateral naval exercise. After this, New Delhi shown its interests in trilateral India-US-Japan cooperation especially in the area of trade and energy security.
When European’s started their expeditions into the Indian Ocean, they already understood the significance of cities that are located on a body of water. This understanding was one of both transportation and of naval warfare. British trading in India was to bring both goods back to Britain but to also “develop new markets for Indian goods in Africa, and in the America’s.” (HISTORIC DYNAMICS) Britain’s expansion into new markets allowed them to grow their trade routes in the Indian Ocean. With a large variety of trade routes and trading partners Britain was able to trade with whomever they wanted. If there was a group that would was not happy with European countries then Britain was able to easily find another trading partner, a short distance away. This expansion into new markets also allowed Britain to gain more allies. This was important because at times Britain’s arm...
“Not again,” an article published by Arundhati Roy in the British newspaper, The Guardian, is a scathing denunciation of the United States and its current expansionism. Though Roy certainly is not representative of Indian public opinion on the United States war on Iraq—or on any subject for that matter—her article does manage to bring up several issues that are of importance to India as a developing country. Through her primary message of denouncing U.S. foreign policy, Roy also addresses two issues that are central to India today: the potential nuclear conflict with
Questions like these are crucial to be answered in examining Japan’s security relations with her neighbor Asian countries. In this paper, I argue that multilateral regional security entity is crucial and is the only way to secure herself in the post-Cold War era. The ARF, thereby, is a necessary international institution to succeed in guaranteeing profitable diplomatic relations for Japan as well as other countries including Asian and non-Asian states. For Japan, the end of the Cold War meant a shift from reactive state to cautious leader to become a “normal country,” as a politician Ichiro Ozawa puts, that is acceptable to the world and the ARF is the best possible opportunity for Japan to attain such a goal.
Thomas Wright’s “The Fall of the Unipolar Concert” describes the decline of U.S. global power to other states like Russia and China. It claims that these countries have been initiating revisionist and power balancing measures that threaten U.S. global hegemony. Russia brings back a light red scare by annexing Crimea to stop the expansion of the European Union and NATO, building up its military capabilities, and executing special military operations (Wright, 8). China has strengthen its claims on the South China Sea through aggressive marine operations which have created tensions with Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and the United States. China has station and intimidated the surrounding countries where they claim as their economic exclusion zones while blocking the U.S.’s freedom to navigate the waters.
... challenge to unrestricted U.S. global-economic-dominance is threatening to the U.S and its allies in Asia. The arguments detailed in this essay of China’s rise posing a threat to Asia’s stability are much stronger than the counterarguments. Case in point, China’s continued rise might begin to foster the idea of neo-Bismarckism and world hegemony. With a continued alliance with Russia and North Korea and a reduced U.S. military, it will be easy to accomplish world-dominance over the long run. If China keeps licking its fingers from their “sweet super-power emergence” it could be a matter of time before a new leader comes along with a new vision and ideology to divide and conquer. World supremacy is addictive in itself. Therefore, the U.S. and its regional allies should contain and restrain China to maintain Asia’s stability before it becomes too powerful to curtail.
International politics traditionally focuses on the relationship between states and international organisations. Despite the fact that the geography may remain inert, the geopolitical situations in regions are shifting over time, and changes in global environment can make an influence on the regional powers. The world’s great powers are the main and decisive actors among states, which make an enormous influence on the processes of the international relationship. Throughout history, the world environment has demanded from nations to get more resources in order to develop their economy and military power. Therefore, countries struggled to get more possessions and territory in order to survive. A high developed economic industry
Additionally, in the book US FOREIGN POLICY, Michael Cox (2012) concluded that “China’s peaceful rise has largely consoled its neighbors and the United States that it remains a status quo power. However, as it has risen, there are some (perhaps an expanding number) who predict this will lead to increased regional and global competition” (p.266). Clearly, Michael Cox indicated the point that there might be more competitions in the future relation between China and the rest of the world no matter China rises peacefully or not. In particular, China and the United States will face many intense issues since they are the two giants in th...
This paper aims to focus on the effect of the rise of China within the context of its neighbor states, to asses that China is not a threat to Asian stability and also, to highlight some of the challenges of China's ascension to what might be called a relatively foreseeable future.
Nepal is one of the landlocked country, which has three side border with India, and one side with China. India has deep security concern in regard of china throughout the history, and it put higher importance in Nepalese politics, as well as foreign policy. As an underdeveloped country, Nepal has been facing different challenges, such as economic, political, and social. Because of political instability, Nepalese foreign policy has been failed to establish a strong relationship with neighboring countries, especially with India. In addition, Nepal has greater ties with India because of cultural similarity, and open borders. Nepal has been tested
India is Sri Lanka’s closest neighbor and natural ally with its historic, cultural and linguistic similarities. Relationship between Indian and Sri Lanka is highly matured considering the asymmetric differences and India’s consistent commitment towards Sri Lankan policy. In this decade, India and Sri Lanka build a very strong relationship and came to close contacts at the highest level in terms of politics, growing trade and investment, cooperation in the fields of development, education, culture and defense, and understanding on major issues of international interest. Though there is some turbulence in Indo-Sri Lankan relations particularly with domestic politics playing a new dynamics in relationship between neighboring countries. In a vast
Ganguly, Sumit, and Devin T. Hagerty. Fearful Symmetry: India-Pakistan Crises in the Shadow of Nuclear Weapons. Seattle, Wash.: University of Washington Press, 2006. Print.
Abstract: Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has been the world’s only unquestioned superpower. How the United States evaluates its position as global hegemon has important consequences for American foreign policy, particularly with regards to the potential for future policy constraints. Thus, this paper seeks to consider the question: How durable is American hegemony? The paper first defines the state of American hegemony and then considers the primary challengers: Europe, Russia, China, Japan and imperial overstretch. It will conclude that in the long-term, East Asian geopolitical instability poses the greatest threat to American hegemony, but that in the short-term, the hegemony will prove to be quite durable as long as the United States can counteract the phenomenon of imperial overstretch. In order to diffuse both internal and international threats to hegemony, American leaders should work to pursue national interests within a framework of consensus and legitimacy as much as possible.
Over the recent decade there has been an escalation of rivalry India and China and their role in the Indian Ocean Region. As two major emerging economies, they are faced with a security dilemma as they continue to grow economically and influentially to the surrounding states. As this process progresses the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) becomes to be one of the central security concerns. The idea that whoever controls the sea, controls the region is forcing India and China to become competitive with each other in order to secure their state interests. As these two countries continue to gain influence, who controls this region grows as a security dilemma. Furthermore, as the issue becomes more volatile the role of the United States, as the world’s superpower, in the IOR is discussed. This article examines the relationship between Indian and China and how their geographic proximity and their great power ambitions could potentially create a future security issue. A third country that plays a vital role in the IOR is the United States but as China and India grow more dominant, the future role of the United States in the IOR is uncertain. The security issue will be examined through the lens of Geopolitical Theory, specifically the work of Alfred Mahan.
A country’s struggle to power is much like that of two rivalling siblings. They are locked in a constant competition as they attempt to one-up the other. Countries do the same as they race against each other to produce better exports, and to attract more money into their economy. They are constantly vying against each other for the center of attention so that they are the main focal point of the international world. This competition continues until one finally relents, or blatantly falls, and allows the other to shine; much like how China is slowly managing to overtake the U.S. in terms of international influence. The success of one individual cannot remain forever, and eventually they will begin to fall. This is the current situation where the U.S. and China stand today as China is beginning to overtake the U.S. in terms of economic capability. With a superior economy, it is possible for China to overcome the challenges it faces as it moves into position as the next world power. Though, just like the pair of siblings, despite China’s recent successes, the other won’t disappear completely. The U.S. will not disappear into the background and allow China to take complete control as hegemon, or world power, and establish something akin to a uni-mulipolar system. A system where there is one main power and many already established rising powers. This uni-multipolar system allows for other countries to continuously compete for the position at the top.
The circumstances are quite different in the India-Pakistan context. The United States and the former Soviet Union did not share a common border and, more importantly, did not dispute territories that the other possessed. Their rivalry was more geopolitical in nature and the world at large was the stage on which it played itself out. As a result, they had greater freedom for manoeuvre and a more elaborate menu of options. Compromise was also easier