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On the morning of June 28th, 2009, Honduras, the Central American countries, and the rest of the world, were stunned into silence as President Manuel ‘Mel’ Zelaya was exiled by the Honduran army. What had begun in 2008 as a minor problem in Congress when the Supreme Court denied Mel a referendum to change the Honduran constitution, turned into an all out brawl between the three branches of government when he ignored their decision and went forward with his plan by installing a fourth ballot. After many months of speculation, it became clear that his intent was concrete and so, two days after the national Congress had put forth a secret arrest warrant, the Honduran army crashed into the presidential palace in the late hours of June 27th and forced Mel and his family to board a plane to Costa Rica. Soon thereafter, it was announced that the speaker of Congress, Roberto Micheletti, would replace him in a de facto presidency. This act, which many considered a violation of human rights, put to the test the integrity of the Honduran government, the will of the population, and put the eyes of the entire world upon a small, poverty stricken country that had decided to take matters into their own hands.
There were many misunderstandings, pressures, and defiant acts that led to this constitutional crisis. The most prominent reasoning for the crisis and eventual coup d’état was the threat of a fourth ballot. This fourth ballot would inquire public opinion on the formation of an assembly later in the year to change the constitution. “The Supreme Court, the Congress, and the National Electoral Tribunal all declared such a survey or popular consultation illegal, since it was not approved by Congress. The president ordered the military...
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...Physicians For Human Rights. 2009. Web. 15 Jan. 2012. .
McCoy, Jennifer. "Constitutional Crisis in Honduras - An Expert Q&A by Dr. Jennifer McCoy, Director, Americas Program." The Carter Center: Advancing Human Rights and Alleviating Suffering. The Carter Center, 13 July 2009. Web. 15 Jan. 2012. .
Prensa, La. "El Regreso a La OEA, Retorno De Zelaya E Informe De La CVR, Hechos Políticos ..." La Prensa [San Pedro Sula] 19 May 2011: 1. Proceso Digital. La Prensa, 28 Dec. 2011. Web. 15 Jan. 2012. .
Prensa, La. "Hondureños Gritan Al Mundo: "No Más Chávez"" La Prensa [San Pedro Sula] 09 May 2010: 1. Print.
All throughout the 20th century we can observe the marked presence of totalitarian regimes and governments in Latin America. Countries like Cuba, Chile, Brazil, Argentina, Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic all suffered under the merciless rule of dictators and military leaders. Yet the latter country, the Dominican Republic, experienced a unique variation of these popular dictatorships, one that in the eyes of the world of those times was great, but in the eyes of the Dominicans, was nothing short of deadly.
Affairs 12.3/4 (1971): 378-415. Jstor.org. Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Miami. Web. 13 Apr. 2014.
Crassweller, Robert D. Trujillo: The life and times of a Caribbean dictator. New York: Macmillan.1966.
Ferris, Susan & Sandoval, Rircardo (1998). The Fight in the Fields: Cesar Chavez and the
Chavez is one of the greatest Civil Rights activists of times. As a child he watched workers be mistreated and misused. He follows King and Gandhi’s principles of nonviolence and lives by their standards. He also believes that the highest form of freedom carries with it the greatest measure of
In 1939, when Cesar Chavez was 12 years old, he and his family moved to a well known barrio (neighborhood) of East San Jose, CA known as “Sal Si Puede” (“Get Out If You Can”). Chavez described it as “dirtier and uglier than the rest.” The barrio consisted of Mexican and Mexican-American migrant field workers who had very limited education and money but a strong sense of pride and family.
The “Panama Deception,” directed by Barbara Trent of the Empowerment Project and narrated by actress Elizabeth Montgomery, observes a distinct failure to implement 20th-century democracy in Latin America in the late '80s and early '90s. More specifically, the film documents the U.S. invasion of Panama under "Operation Just Cause” during this period, showing how the cause was anything but just. Rather, the film shows how the Operation intended to impose a biased renegotiation of the aforementioned treaties.
This essay will study the Central Intelligence Agency’s intervention in Guatemala, and how they assisted Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas in the coup d’état against Jacobo Arbenz. It will describe the reasons of the intervention, the United States’ interest in Guatemala, and how it affected Guatemalans. Such events help explain much about the role that the United States has in their own migration. The paper argues that the United States’ political interest in Guatemala played a fundamental role in the migration of Guatemalans to its borders. As a result of this intervention, Guatemala suffered one of its worse political periods in their history. Guatemala experienced a period of political instability that led the country into social chaos, where many Guatemalans opted to migrate to the United States.
Some in the military opposed this and eventually a coup occurred deposing the president who started the whole thing. This then led to a crisis where ultimately the country 's military had to intervene and cause severe damage to the integrity of their political system as a whole. It seems as though this real incident is supposed to show us how easy it could be to have our own country 's fate suffer from the same problem of divided government. Trying to compare a coup in Honduras to gridlock in Washington seems like a weak comparison. One of the main arguments Yglesias points out is how the military was forced to intervene causing all sorts of chaos. This example is supposed to show us a real life example of what can happen when political discourse reaches a breaking point, however in our governing system we have the Posse Comitatus Act, which prevents the federal government from using our conventional military branches to enforce the will of our federal government officials. It seems like in our political system performing any kind of coup would be extremely
Walker, Thomas W and Armony, Ariel C. Repression, Resistance, and Democratic Transition in Latin America. Scholarly Resources Incorporated, 2000. Wilmington, Delaware.
The Government of the United States, going against Mr.Padilla’s Constitutional rights and not providing him an opportunity to contest the legality of his detention, comprises the value of the Government’s accountability as a law-abiding state. In this particular case, it appears that government officers, including the president, believe that they should be able to do what is against pre-existing laws, if it is necessary to the preservation of the state and its citizens. However, this view raises some serious problems. If committed to a principle Rule of Law, one should never expect the government to act in an illegal way. The Rule of Law refers to “an end state in which all individuals and institutions, public and private, and the state itself are held accountable to the law, which is supreme” (Rule, n.d.). Therefore, the Rule of Law states, that every citizen is subject to the law, including the lawmakers themselves. All government officers of the States, including the president, the Justice of the Supreme Court, and all members of Congress, pledge to uphold the Constitution; affirming that the Rule of Law is superior to the rule of any human leader (Vile, 2006).
LaFeber, Walter. Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America. New York: W.W. Norton, 1984. Print.
Filmmaker Oliver Stone embarked on a journey across the Latin American continent pursuant to the filling of gaps left by mainstream media about the social and political movements in the southern continent. Through a series of interviews he conducted with Presidents Hugo Chávez of Venezuela, Cristina Kirchner and former president Nėstor Kirchner of Argentina, Evo Morales of Bolivia, Fernando Lugo of Paraguay, Lula da Silva of Brazil, Rafael Correa of Ecuador and Raúl Castro of Cuba, Stone was able to compare firsthand information from the leaders themselves with that reported and published by the media (“Synopsis,” n.d.). It gives light to the measures these leaders had to take in order to initiate change in their respective countries, even if their public identities were at stake. Several instances in the film showed the mismatch between these two sources, pointing at the US government’s interests for greatly influencing the media for presenting biased, groundless views.
...aring, S. and Shugart, M. (1997) “Juan Linz, Presidentialism, and Democracy: A Critical Appraisal”, Comparative Politics, vol.29, no.4, pp. 449-471.
Powers N. R., 1992, The Transition to Democracy in Paraguay: Problems and Prospectus, University of Notre Dame