The 1960s, the significant era of African independence and change.
In the 1960s the international system was characterized by the ideological war between two superpowers which emerged after the end of World War2.The ideological war is the Cold War between the West led by the United States and the East led by the USSR (http://vefir.mh.is/thgth/ib/, n.d.) .After independence many countries adopted the Western and the Eastern style of democracy and development. For many countries that won their independence in this era; particularly the Western or Francophone countries and the Eastern Bloc countries, these style of democracy and development failed, and African countries which were supposed to be following on the successful developmental path of their former colonial countries, instead were stagnant and even worse off (Matunhu 2011: http://www.acedicjournals.org/ ). Hence the rise of African theorists, critical thinkers, who developed theories of democracy and development fitting for African communities. Two of these influential classical thinkers are Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Kwasi Wiredu of Ghana.
In this essay I seek to discuss, compare and contrast the theories of democracy by Julius Nyerere and Kwasi Wiredu, but before this, a brief introduction of the theorists Julius Nyerere and Kwasi Wiredu, and the settings, in the African communities, culture and the way of life which are the base of the theories and also have influenced how they are developed and what or who they target and what they seek to achieve.
A Brief Introduction of Each, Julius Nyerere democracy and development through African Socialism
Julius Nyerere the first president of the new state of Tanzania in 1964.Tanzania played an important role in the liberation ...
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...ino B. 2009. A Response to Eze’s critique of Wiredu’s consensual democracy. South African JournalofPhilosophy.28 (1), https://www.ajolinfo/index.php/sajpem/article/download. Last Accessed (26-042014).
Matunhu J.2011. A critique of modernisation and dependency theories in Africa: Critical Assessment, African Journal of History and Culture, 3(5), http://www.acedicjournals.org/AJ . Last Accessed(26-04-2014).
Schneider L. 2004. Freedom and Unfreedom Rural Development: Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa Vijijini, andVillagization. Canadian, journal of African Studies, 38(2), p, 347-349, http://www.dx.doi.org/10.1080/00839958. Last Accessed (26-04-2014).
Wiredu K. no date. Democracy and Consensus in Traditional African Politics: A Plea for a Non-Party Polity, Postcolonial African philosophy: a critical reader, P.303-312. Cambridge: Blackwell, http://www.them.poly.org/2/fwk-en.htm.
Mazrui, Ali A. "The Re-Invention of Africa: Edward Said, V. Y. Mudimbe, and Beyond." Research in African Literatures 36, no. 3 (Autumn 2005): 68-82.
Fiero, Gloria K. "Africa: Gods, Rulers, and the Social Order." The Humanistic Tradition. 6th ed.
Plato defines Athens as a democratic society that “treats all men as equal, whether they are equal or not.” Therefore, believes that there are those that are born to rule and others that are born to be ruled. Plato presents the argument that democracy does not achieve the greatest good, giving four main objections to democracy. Firstly, he identifies that most of us are ruled by passions, pleasure, sentiment and impulse. Hence, th...
Tucker, Carole. "African Nationalism and Liberation in Post World War II Africa." Suite. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Apr. 2014.
A true saying is “Colonization often does more damage than contribution.” Colonialism encouraged Africa’s development in some areas, but in many others it severely damaged the natural progress of the continent. If colonialism was never imposed on Africa, Africa’s developments would be significantly different and many of the problems that the continent faces now would not exist today. In conclusion, at first it seems that colonialism has both positive and negative effects, but the truth is it only damages the colonized nation.
Most of this documentary supports and clarifies my understanding of contemporary African culture. During the course I’ve learned that traditional African leadership structures undertook great changes under colonial rule and continue to progress today. Pre-colonial Africa had several different states characterized by different types of leadership; these involved small family groups of hunter and gatherers, bigger organized clan groups, and micro nations. Many African communities are still being governed by a council of elders, which is responsible for facilitating conflict and making almost all the important decisions within the public.
Khapoya, Vincent B. The African Experience: An Introduction. 4th ed. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1998. Print.
· Newsinger, John. "Revolt and Repression in Kenya: The "Mau Mau" Rebellion." Jstor. N.p., n.d. Web.
In conclusion Nigeria has never been able to sustain a legitimate democracy. The legacies of British colonialism have created unstable political institutions that have been extremely susceptible to military coups. While ethnic tensions have lead to political party association and corruption, rent-seekers and continual economic decline have decreased support for the government. Although recently Nigeria has seen a shift away from military control as people have recognized its unsuccessfulness, questions still remain about the new democracy. Consider the last time this type of democracy was established, it only lasted four years. Given all these factors and the military history of OlusgunObasanjo, it is no wonder the new democracy is considered fragile.
At the end of WWII is when decolonization was brought up as a serious topic of discussion. Over 200,000 Africans had fought in Europe and Asia for the Allies’ freedom and democracy which showed quite the contradiction. They were fighting for something that wasn’t even going to truly benefit them. In 1945 is when the 5th Pan African Conference met to go over the possibility of granting back independence to the colonized areas. Ghana played a significant role during the decolonization process in Africa because Ghana was the first Sub-Saharan African majority government to gain independence in 1957. Not only did Ghana gain independence, but they did this by acting nonviolently. For years following th...
...ions both in the past and the present and is one of the best explanations of present day African underdevelopment, showing the importance of a historical approach to understanding current affairs.
Africa’s struggle to maintain their sovereignty amidst the encroaching Europeans is as much a psychological battle as it is an economic and political one. The spillover effects the system of racial superiority had on the African continent fractured ...
...’s depictions of both traditional and modern beliefs in varying degrees illustrate the importance of both in contemporary Nigerian culture, as well as the greater Africa as a whole, and how both are intertwined and cannot exist without the other. In effect, she skillfully subverts stereotypes or single perceptions of Africa as backward and traditional, proving instead, the multifaceted culture of Africa. She further illustrates that neither traditional African nor western culture is necessarily detrimental. It is the stark contrast of the fundamental cultures that inevitably leads to clashes and disagreements. In the end, what holds African countries such as Nigeria together is their shared pride. Modern, western influences can bring positive changes to society, but new cultures cannot completely eradicate the foundational cultures to which a society is founded on.
An overwhelming majority of African nations has reclaimed their independence from their European mother countries. This did not stop the Europeans from leaving a permanent mark on the continent however. European colonialism has shaped modern-day Africa, a considerable amount for the worse, but also some for the better. Including these positive and negative effects, colonialism has also touched much of Africa’s history and culture especially in recent years.
Tripp, A, M, 2003. The Changing Face of Africa’s Legislatures: Women and Quotas. Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Available from: Quotaproject.org