The MOVE Organization surfaced in Philadelphia in the early 1970’s. The MOVE movement was one of “back-to-nature,” which was poorly understood by their urban neighbors and the local government and possibly by the organization itself (McCoy). John Africa, who is said to have been illiterate, founded MOVE. It was a loosely organized and sparsely populated organization. I argue that the failure of MOVE to “bow to the man” and the lack of police and government self-control, led to the abuse of power and police brutality that culminated on May 13, 1985 of which the magnitude Black’s theories fail to predict. Black’s theories on law, specifically “Socio Economic Status” and “Organization” and its bearing on the application of law, will be used to analyze the MOVE II incident.
MOVE had established a compound for their members in the Powelton neighborhood of the City of Philadelphia. The organization wanted animals freed and treated as equals to humans. They protested animal treatment; spewing their mantra at community events (McCoy). These protests were part of their naturalist movement, which is how they lived their lives. Their children were unclothed and all members lived in inhabitable conditions. In 1978, the police attempted to allow city inspectors to examine the condition of the compound, which became a “shelter for dozens of dogs and a breeding ground for rats” (McCoy). MOVE barricaded themselves in the Powelton compound for a month, causing the city to take physical action to enter. The city used fire hoses to flush out the handful of cult members (McCoy). The confrontation between MOVE and the city resulted in gunfire, which killed a police officer (McCoy). Charges were brought against the nine adult members found in the hous...
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...source:http://www.philly.com/philly/news/inq_HT_MOVE25.html?c=r>.
Small, Bernard. City of Philadelphia. Philadelphia Police Department. Move. Philadelphia: , 1985. Web..
Small, Bernard. City of Philadelphia. Philadelphia Police Department. Move 1978 vs 1985. Philadelphia: , 1985. Web. .
Stevens, William. "Inferno's Aftermath: Blow to the Police."New York Times 16 May 1985, Late Edition n. pag. Web. 17 Nov. 2013. .
On Friday April 24th J.P. Walker, Preacher Lee, Crip Reyer and L.C. Davis got into Reyer’s Oldsmobile and they took off on a mission to kill Mark Charles Parker. (3 other cars of men followed) They went to the courthouse/jail in Poplarville and they could not get in. So they went to Jewel Alford’s House (The jail keeper) to get the keys to the Jail. Alford went with the four men to the courthouse. When he got there he went in and down the hall to Sheriff Moody’s office and got the keys to the jail. He opened the door to the jail and Lee, Reyer, Davis, Walker followed Alford into the jail. Alford then opened Parkers cell and Lee and Davis pulled Parker out of the jail and courthouse to the Reyer's Oldsmobile. Alford then left and the men got into the car.
The beating of Rodney King from the Los Angeles Police Department on March 3, 1991 and the Los Angeles riots resulting from the verdict of the police officers on April 29 through May 5, 1992 are events that will never be forgotten. They both evolve around one incident, but there are two sides of ethical deviance: the LAPD and the citizens involved in the L.A. riots. The incident on March 3, 1991 is an event, which the public across the nation has never witnessed. If it weren’t for the random videotaping of the beating that night, society would never know what truly happened to Rodney King. What was even more disturbing is the mentality the LAPD displayed to the public and the details of how this mentality of policing led up to this particular incident. This type of ethical deviance is something the public has not seen since the civil rights era. Little did Chief Gates, the Chief of the Los Angeles Police Department, and the LAPD know what the consequences of their actions would lead to. Moving forward in time to the verdict of those police officers being acquitted of the charges, the public sentiment spiraled into an outrage. The disbelief and shock of the citizens of Los Angeles sparked a mammoth rioting that lasted for six days. The riots led to 53 deaths and the destruction of many building. This is a true but disturbing story uncovering the ethical deviance from the LAPD and the L.A. riots. The two perspectives are from the Rodney King incident are the LAPD and the L.A. riots.
Typical stories of civil rights demonstrations by African Americans and civil rights workers in the south tell accounts of passive resistance and nonviolent protest. They tell accounts of African Americans being neglected and ignored in restaurants, verbally abused for being out of “their neighborhoods”, and beaten and arrested for speaking up or acting out against such grave injustices. They were further repressed by the fact that the police, prosecutors, judges, mayors, and even governors of southern areas not only turned a blind eye to newly enacted civil rights legislation but also actively participated in ensuring the continued suppression of African American acceptance. This complete segregation from society and lack of protection under the law naturally spawned groups of African Americans who decided that the only protection they were going to get was the protection they provided for themselves. They began to arm themselves, forming small bands that set out to protect civil rights demonstrators and retaliate against racist acts. One such group was the Deacons for Defense and Justice in Louisiana. In his book Crossing Border Street Peter Jan Honigsberg tells of his experiences with the Deacons while working as a civil rights worker in Louisiana. Becoming deeply immersed into African American culture Honigsberg learns what it means to be black and living in the south during the civil rights movement. Furthermore he reveals some of the motivations of white individuals who participated in the movement.
During the seventies in New Jersey created a program that could change life in society. This program occurred only in twenty-eight cities. Government and public officials were excited about this concept. Police officials were not so much. Foot patrol made officers walk in sleet and snow. Assigned foot patrol was a way of punishment for officers. State funding of foot patrol shut the mouths of some people. Silence stopped after the “Police Foundation”(Kelling) put foot patrol to the actual test. To contrary belief this rattled some arguments in the community an...
Outside the courthouse in Newton, Georgia, in the early hours of January 30, 1943, Robert “Bobby” Hall was beaten unconscious by M. Claude Screws, Frank Edward Jones, and Jim Bob Kelley[1] while in their custody for the alleged theft of a tire;[2] Screws, Jones and Kelley were, respectively, Baker county sheriff, night policeman, and a civilian deputized specifically for the arrest.[3] Without ever recovering consciousness, Hall died as a result of a fractured skull shortly after his arrival at an Albany hospital that morning.[4] The NAACP and FBI investigated Hall’s death in the following months and federal charges were brought against Screws, Jones, and Kelley for violation of Section 20 of the Federal Criminal Code, which stipulates that no person may “under color of any law … willfully” deprive a person of “any rights, privileges, or immunities secured or protected by the Constitution and laws of the United States.”[5] After being found guilty in the lower courts, the defendants brought their case to the Supreme Court on appeal, alleging that they had violated a state rather than federal law and, consequently, could not be held liable under Section 20. The Supreme Court’s central concern in Screws et al. v. United States was to interpret the intent and breadth of Section 20 in order to judge its constitutionality; in doing so, the Court struggled to reach a consensus regarding the definition of state action and the indefinite nature of the rights protected by the statute. Such consensus proved difficult, indeed, as the case was narrowly decided and divided the Court along deep constitutional lines; while a majority of the Court advocated reversal of the lower co...
The increase in population due to the Great Migration led Chicago to be the nation’s fastest growing city. In the city, homicide rates increased dramatically. The nature of homicide among African Americans in Chicago changed when the traditional impulsive violence between young boys became family violence or fights with acquaintances. Essentially, the Southern African Americans who moved to northern cities for freedom still experienced discrimination in jobs and housing from whites living in the neighborhoods prior. Many of them became frustrated about this and proceeded to demonstrate that through violence. In result of the increased violence, juvenile courts were developed. To address the concerns of juvenile delinquency, Chicago initially advocated courts to punish them for the acts of violence. The courts were filled with cases of violence between races due to the increasing racial tensions in neighborhoods throughout Chicago. Often, racist comments would be made, or an African American would fight against segregation or speak out and there would be a fight. Acts of violence became more and more common throughout the city and the juvenile courts were only one way to attempt to solve it. In Standing at Armageddon: A Grassroots History of the Progressive Era, it is said that the violence in Chicago was “the
First, Lemann documents horrible accounts of violence against freed blacks. The casual observer views the underlying reasons for these attacks as simple racial hatred. However, Lemann connects the acts of violence to show an orchestrated movement intended to undermine both keys to the freed blacks’ quality of life, organizing abilities and voting rights. Violence against blacks existed for years, but in the form of a master supposedly disciplining his slave. The acts of violence outlined by Lemann show a shift from fear and ignorance to organized intimidation. After all, whites of the time viewed themselves “as protectors of [the] natural order” meaning racial superiority (65). What first started as a fear of being the minority turned quickly to a fear of losing political power and economic wealth. In the end, the use of violence all...
Burrows, Edwin G., and Mike Wallace. Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898. New York: Oxford UP, 1999. Print.
By cherishing his value, he became the Mayor of the MOVE members and not of their neighbors. The MOVE members mistreated their neighbors for a long time. Mayor Goode did not act until May13, 1978. This MOVE case teaches all of us, specifically present and future public servants that avoidance and hasty action after a situation deteriorates can result in a significantly worse outcome than proactive, thoughtful action at the onset of an
In the article, “‘Violence’ in Cincinnati,” Thomas A. Dutton brings up a conversation about the urban area of Over-The-Rhine. He speaks out about how this downtown area has extremely too much violence and there needs to be something done about it. He speaks to the age group of twenty-five and up and to all citizens of Cincinnati. This article was published in 2001 in “Nation” magazine. At this time in Cincinnati, there were many disputes about race. A white officer shot an unarmed black man in April in 2001 that had many offenses against him at the time and was killed shortly after. Riots broke out and curfews were set in to place. This is a major event that happened in Cincinnati’s history and still today has hurt the citizens and the Over-The-Rhine district. Violence has been fought against people of color for a very long time and it affects the people and various cities around us.
In New York during the 1940’s a non-violent act of civil disobedience occurred among blacks to protest segregation laws. Blacks were not allowed to live in white neighborhoods, had to ride in the back of buses, lived in poverty with poor schools, and were frequently beaten by police.
Cincinnati riots of 2001 are some of the greatest reflections of racial discriminations resulting from ineffectiveness of security institutions sparking massive losses and stunted development. These riots pointed the great divide that undercut the American society. The case is a strong indication of unresolved personal feelings of superiority of whites over other people of color. This paper explores unresolved conflicts between blacks and whites using the conflict theory, conflicts for resources, ineffectiveness of institutions and how politics influenced the riots. In addition, the paper analyzes how the problem was resolved and the outcome of deliberations on the issue. It is the view of this paper that conflict from resources and the sense of threat to whites by blacks in the society was the underlying cause of the riots. The paper concludes by reiterating Martin Luther king Junior’s call for the coexistence of all people and their judgment to be based on their characters and not their skin color (Lan, 2009).
The waves of labor migration after 1917—most prominently, African Americans moving from the rural South to the urban North—racialized police brutality, leading to three major eras of riots stemming from conflict between police and minority groups: 1917–1919, 1943, and 1964–1968. Both the civil rights movement and subsequent urban unrest laid bare the flaws in a model of police professionalism that focused narrowly on fighting crime while ignoring the needs of the communities, especially poor communities, being
This analysis will be examining the article “my encounter with Princeton police” by Imani Perry a female black professor at ivy –League University in New Jersey. Perry was pulled over by Princeton police while she was driving 67mph on street with 45mph limit. At which time, the police found warrant for arrest for two unpaid ticket. For these reason, Perry got handcuffed and taken into custody. The conclusion of this argument is clearly police are using inappropriate and disproportionate treatment against African Americans. The author set her argument on two strong primary assumptions. First, police are using disposition in racially discriminatory fashion to ward black Americans. Second, it presumed in this society we found ourselves, sanction
Temple. “Philadelphia Special Investigation (MOVE) Commission .” Philadelphia Special Investigation (MOVE) Commission Manuscript Collection. N.p., n.d. Web. 12 Feb. 2012. .