This research essay contributes to the debates on the transformation of ethnic developmental policy since the foundation of People’s Republic of China since 1949 by tracing the relationship between the rapid growth of China’s economy, especially after the reform era in the late 1970s and the economic development in ethnic minorities areas as well as briefly discussing the impact of modernization process which may cause positive or negative effects toward ethnic minorities in terms of the traditional culture, habits and customs, etc., and analysing their mutual interplay. In the essay, by tracing the influences of economic growth toward Han Chinese and Uygur ethnic group in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region (XUAR) as a paradigm, this essay …show more content…
2013, p.1). To the leadership of China, the developmental policies toward ethnic minorities have always been a consistent part on the CCP’s path to achieve the goal of great unity of the people of Chinese ethnic groups since the Mao’s era. Yet, the changes of developmental policies have taken place parallel with the alternation of CCP’’s leadership and China’s growing economic as the incumbent state elites trying to eliminate the conflicts between ethnic groups by adopting different approaches and polices (Silh, 2007, p.26). Balancing the ethno cultural diversity and dignity as well as interethnic cohesion has been a constant challenge for Chinese leaderships. With sizeable ethnic minorities population and despite the episodic interethnic conflicts, it could be suggested that the CCP has, especially after the Mao’s period in 1976, done a relatively competent job for maintaining ethnic tensions (Leibold, 2013, p. 5). However, as Leibold (2013, p.5) argued that the times of interethnic conflicts are still growing as the free—market forces and China’s growing economic increased and the improved interethnic communication via different medias have …show more content…
In the words of James Leibold, today’s Chinese ethnic policy is concentrated on the preservation of ethnic cultural diversity and gradually development that guided by the state government, which could lead each ethnic group to the path of socialist modernity and final victory of common prosperity by its own mean and own terms (Leibold, 2013, p.6). This policy consists with three parts: 1. The identification and classification of each ethnic groups. 2. A system of regional autonomy for ethnic minorities. 3. A series of preferential minority—treatment policies. These policies have been implemented by the state government for several decades and a special fund for the ethnic minorities areas that issued by the central government have been strikingly increased every year, which especially after China’s economy has taken off since 1990s (Nolan et al, 2012, p.73). Taking XUAR as an epitome and example that has witnessed China’s growing economy, from the two statistical figures provided below, it is easily to demonstrate that whether from the rate of real GDP growth or the rate of GDP per capita both are keeping pace with the increasing rate from a larger national scale. It is proved that the preferential minority—treatment policy has effectively implemented and worked
A synthesis essay should be organized so that others can understand the sources and evaluate your comprehension of them and their presentation of specific data, themes, etc.
An overview of the history of this volatile region is vital to understanding the present struggle for control. The movement for self-rule of Xinjiang dates back to the beginnings of China’s last dynasty, the Qing (1644-1911) when ethnic Chinese sought to settle the region and incorporate it into the ...
Karmel, Solomon M. “ Ethnic Tension and the Struggle for Order: China’s Policies in Tibet.”
China is a country that has traditionally had a clearly defined social hierarchy. The teachings of Confucius, the famous Chinese philosopher, embodied the Chinese social structure. He thought set roles and rank were vital for a society to function harmoniously. If an individual tried to deviate from their prescribed role, the country’s social order would be threatened. For centuries, China has had a citizenship comprised of 80% to 90% farmers, a small amount of specialized craftsmen, and a few elite families that controlled and drove society. Through the generations, the strictly defined roles of Confucius have died away, but his ideas of hierarchy are still ingrained in the Chinese way of thinking.
Sitting close to the edge of being a “developing” and a “developed” country, China is a difficult country to define neatly. It is a country with an ancient and traditional culture trying to position itself higher within the international community. Plus it is also a communist country that has come to embrace its own form of capitalism to fuel its economy. China’s economic boon has been beneficial to many people within the country. But not to all people within China evenly.
All through the extensive history of China, from the Qin dynasty to present-day, the Chinese government has been spectator to finish political reformations due to delicate periods in history merged with the soaring of a new movement rivaling for faithfulness of the people. Throughout imperial rule, the era of dynasties
“China in Ten Words” undeniably exhibits the passion of the Chinese in a deeply intimate yet ominous manner. Hua directs readers along a progressive path, touching upon stepping-stones such as economics, politics, societal concepts and history. Such fields are meant to serve Hua’s ultimate objective to “clear a path through the social complexities and staggering contrasts of contemporary China.” It would not be far fetched to declare Hua remotely successful in hitting his target, although China remains a collaboration of successes and failures that arguably could use an additional word or two to address. However, there is no denying Yu Hua has stimulated the minds of reader’s, encouraging profou...
With the Industrial Revolution and Age of Imperialism intensifying among Western nations in the 19th century, China faced an impending threat to its ancient cultural values. Pressured to adapt to the changing global environment but fearful of losing its traditional identity, China and its reform leaders have since attempted to incorporate a “ti-yong” distinction between utilizing Western function and preserving Chinese values, most notably in the Self-Strengthening movement beginning in 1860 and Deng Xiaopeng’s economic reforms of the 1980s. The Qing’s attempts at self-strengthening proved unsuccessful with humiliating defeats in the Sino-French and Sino-Japanese Wars in the late 1800s. However, Deng’s utilization of Western market techniques in China’s socialist state proved wildly successful, with annual economic growth of 8-15% throughout the decade. The disparity of success between these two movements demonstrates the evolving political strength of the Chinese state that has revolutionized in its sovereignty and organization since the mid-nineteenth century, providing the foundation for mass reform and Chinese modernization.
Television has affected every aspect of life in society, radically changing the way individuals live and interact with the world. However, change is not always for the better, especially the influence of television on political campaigns towards presidency. Since the 1960s, presidential elections in the United States were greatly impacted by television, yet the impact has not been positive. Television allowed the public to have more access to information and gained reassurance to which candidate they chose to vote for. However, the media failed to recognize the importance of elections. Candidates became image based rather than issue based using a “celebrity system” to concern the public with subjects regarding debates (Hart and Trice). Due to “hyperfamiliarity” television turned numerous people away from being interested in debates between candidates (Hart and Trice). Although television had the ability to reach a greater number of people than it did before the Nixon/Kennedy debate, it shortened the attention span of the public, which made the overall process of elections unfair, due to the emphasis on image rather than issue.
Post-revolutionary Chinese society has been overwhelmingly conditioned by its ideological political system in which all policies require an ideological discourse in justification. In china, ideological orthodoxy or "redness" is a particular important attribute of the political elite. The debate on question of ideology is reflected in the division between the conservatives and reformists.
Despite the world being full of diverse people with varying accomplishments and skill sets, people oftentimes assume the qualities and traits of an individual based purely on the stereotypes set forth by society. Although these stereotypes are unavoidable, an individual can be liberated, empowered and ultimately overcome these stereotypes by obtaining an advanced education.
China, like anywhere else in the world, is not immune to the problems of inequality. Even though China has seen great economic growth over the past 20 years, the level of inequality has risen. The hukou system can be seen as a factor in creating inequality between citizens in China. This essay will look at the different types of inequalities that are faced by the Chinese people. There are many different types of inequalities in China, such as income, gender, ethnic, education and welfare inequalities, however this essay will look at the hukou, income and gender inequality that the Chinese people have to deal with in their everyday lives, as well as looking at what the Chinese people think about the rise in inequality.
In his essay Depoliticized Politics: From East to West, Wang Hui defines China’s tumultuous experience in the 20th Century as a “revolutionary century.” Founded upon the concept of class and culminating with the Cultural Revolution, the revolutionary spirit of the early years of the PRC provided political vitality to the Chinese party-state through public debates on modernity and democracy. Wang argues that the degeneration of the political vitality into a mechanism for “line struggle” in the course of the revolution triggered ‘depoliticization of politics’ in the Chinese party-state, which has become a defining characteristics of Post-Mao China. Wang further contends that the end of the revolutionary century can be marked by the failure of
To create a developmental model based on China’s characters is to use this standard of legitimization to construct a new policy of implementation. The political Confucianism advocated by Jiang Qing is focused on three ways of the humane authority, which is political power must meet the three kinds of legitimacy simultaneously for it to be legal and justified. First of all, political legitimacy must be sanctioned by the transcendental Tao implied in the Confucian Scriptures and interpreted by the prestigious Confucian scholars. This political legitimacy is represented by the House of Profound Confucians led by Confucian scholars and composed of proposed candidates. Secondly, it also must not deviate from the mainstream of the national cultural heritage and break the historical continuity of the nationality.
Historical conceptions of China’s culture and global position shaped the PRC’s perspective. Central to this is Sino-centrism and its edict from heaven for dynastic China to spread civilisation (Xinning 2001: 70). Imperial China’s tribute system represented a “Pax Sinica” and the physical manifestation of Sino-centrism, with its success affirming Chinese cultural superiority (Y. Zhang 2001: 52). Instructive in this is Sino-centrism’s similarity to, and conflict with American Manifest Destiny, itself an articulation that Anglo-Saxon American’s are God’s chosen people, with a superior culture and who are pre-ordained to spread civilisation to inferior peoples (Hollander 2009: 169). The PRC’s nationalism can be seen in part as a rejection of this competing celestial mandate, linking China’s decline to foreign intervention and the acceding to unequal treaties that saw the loss of peripheral territories considered intrinsic to historic China (Kissinger 2011: 112). In this way, the PRC’s formation as a modern nation state is the recrudescence of Sino-...