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As a self-proclaimed catalyst for change, Shirley Chisholm broke down barriers within the American political system. Only seven years after the passage of the Voting Rights Act, Chisholm entered the 1972 presidential race as a candidate for the Democratic Party. This timing made her the first woman to run for the Democratic nomination, as well as the first African American to run for the presidency. Chisholm sought to break down the American presidency – an office traditionally held by white, privileged men. As Chisholm herself described, she “‘ran because somebody had to do it first’” (Winslow 107). This boldness paved the way for many, including Secretary of State Hillary Clinton – the Democratic nominee in the 2016 presidential election.
Chisholm herself even stated, “of my two ‘handicaps,’ being female put many more obstacles in my path than being black” (Fitzpatrick 162). In other words, Chisholm’s experiences running for political office as a woman weren’t positive ones. Before she even announced her bid for the presidency in 1972, she faced skepticism from the media. The Hartford Courant’s headline of “Black Woman May Run for President” encapsulates the disbelief surrounding her candidacy (205). During her campaign, she faced severe criticisms from her opponents. For instance, the New York Times, “said she had three strikes against her – her sex, her race, and the fact that she ‘did not appear to have overwhelming support among women, blacks or youths’” (Braden 188). Chisholm knew she would face some discrimination. The unconventionality of her campaign demanded it. However, she wasn’t expecting the attacks to focus so much on her gender. As she described, “I was constantly bombarded by both men and women exclaiming that I should return to teaching…and leave politics to the men” (188). These sexist comments were only a fraction of the disapproval Chisholm faced. The worst offense was carried out by the Nixon administration. The release claimed that Chisholm, “dressed ‘as a transvestite in men’s clothing’ and [was] ‘hostile and aggressive,’” (Fitzpatrick 221). This cruel and untrue assertion was widely
When questioned about her political career, Clinton quipped, “‘I suppose I could have stayed home and baked cookies and had teas…but what I decided to do was fulfill my profession’” by running for office (237). Clinton continues to further the legacy of Chisholm and other trailblazing women by demonstrating her bravery in running for office. Still, as one Republican official described her, Clinton is often viewed as “‘grating, abrasive and boastful’” (236). Generally, female candidates are expected to be “more caring, compassionate, and emotional than their male counterparts, who tend to be seen as tough, assertive, and decisive” (Bauer). This issue is common among female candidates, and this expectation has certainly impacted Clinton’s campaign. Despite her background as Secretary of State, Clinton is continually questioned by her opponent about her strength. This constant doubt over fortitude is almost exclusively an issue for female candidates – and is one that has plagued Clinton’s political career, especially in this election
Before her political career, Chisholm earned a Bachelors at Brooklyn College and she joined the debating club that helps shape her as a public speaker. She earned her masters from Columbia University in elementary education and became an expert on early childhood education. She also did a number of volunteer work as well she volunteered with organizations such as Bedford-Stuyvesant Political League and the League of Women Voters, which eventually led to her political career. Moreover, Chisholm career began to take form; the greatest obstacle she had to face was the “hostility she encountered because of her sex, the hostility she would face for the rest of her political life” (pg. 44).
Beale, Frances. "Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female." An Anthology of African-American Feminist Thought. New York: New, 1995. 146. Print.
Shirley Chisholm’s political career arguable began when she joined the Seventeenth Assembly District Democratic Club in Bedford-Stuyvesant. At the age of 34, she was elected as the vice president of the Bedford-Stuyvesant Political League (BSPL). After she ran for the presidency of this league, she eventually quit both the BSPL and the 17AD. In the winter of 1960, she got back into politics. Chisholm joined the National Organization for Women (NOW) immediately after it was established. She and Thomas R. Jones organized the Unity Democratic Club (UDC) to overthrow the white Democratic party. By 1965, she became New York state’s assemblywoman. She actually won by a landslide. In 1968, she is elected into Congress. As a congresswoman, she passed 8 bills. This is highly uncommon since first time congress members are knows as silent members, and they are to vote with their party. Chisholm was very unorthodox with her methods, and she was not afraid to speak her mind. One of the bills she passed setup New York’s first unemployment insurance and social
Who was Shirley Chisholm? Shirley Chisholm was the first ever African-American to be a congresswoman.Chisholm was born on November 30, 1924 in Brooklyn, New York City. Chisholm was sent to her grandmas house at a young age, because her parents were going through a hard time. She went to school at Barbadian. She returned to New York City her home at the age of 10. Shirley Chisholm took a stand for human rights.
Seemingly from the very start of Hillary Clinton’s political career, she was disliked by men and women. People, “characterized [her] as a “bossy, humorless, radical...
The goal of Hillary’s speech is to persuade her audience that her ideas are valid, by using ethos, pathos, and logos. Hillary is the First Lady and Senator, she shows credibility as an influential activist for woman rights. “Over the past 25 years, I have worked persistently on issues relating to women, children, and families. Over the past two and a half years, I’ve had the opportunity to learn more about the challenges facing women in my country and around the world” (Clinton 2).
Women in public leadership roles and positions were not very common; they were even less recognized as figures of political revolt. Rosa Parks is a vivid example of a woman who is generally recalled as a quiet and tired woman who refused to give up her seat in protests of segregation when she was actually “an agent” (Olson, 2001) for political activism. Interestingly, she is not historically depicted as a revolutionary for social justice, but as a deferential woman who served as a catalyst for a bus boycott organized by men. Hamer defied such a demure perception of herself through her speeches and through her actions. She challenged, albeit unwittingly, other women, particularly white women to recognize their “common bond” with her: “In the past, I don’t care how poor this white woman was, in the South, she still felt like she was more than us…But coming to the realization of the thing, her freedom is shackled in chains to mine, and she realized for the first time that she is not free until I am free,” (Marable & Mullings, 2009). Like King, and the other major prominent civil rights leaders of the time, Hamer was profoundly committed to the idea that the struggle to achieve equity and justice for one’s race and one’s humanity was a moral and spiritual commitment. She was fighting for something much bigger than herself; she was fighting for all people who were trapped by a system from which there had never been a clear
When considering making a political bid for office, women are often handicapped by psychological challenges, such as lacking confidence, that men are statistically less likely to report as reasons for not making political bids. One of the most compelling psychological challenges women face when making a political bid is that they are more likely to think that they do not have the qualifications to run for political office than men are (Lawless and Fox 114). Among the skills considered to be important for political success are knowledge about public policy issues, professional experience relevant to politics, good public speaking ability, good fundraising skills, and good self-promoting skills. As shown in Table 6.3, women are less likely to
On January 25, 1972, Chisholm announced her candidacy for president. She stood before the cameras and in the beginning off her speech she said, “I stand before you today as a candidate for the Democratic nomination for the Presidency of the United States. I am not the candidate of black America, although I am black and proud. I am not the candidate of the women’s of this country, although I am a woman, and I am equally proud of that. I am not the candidate of any political bosses or special interest. I am the candidate of the people.” Though Shirley did not win a single primary during the 1972 presidential election, she captured over 150 votes on the first ballot and later said her campaign had been a necessary “catalyst for change.” Shirley went on to serve for ten more years in the House and retired in 1982 after seven terms in congress.
The traditional role of the First Lady is slowly evolving. Modern First Ladies are not stopping at challenging the rules of the game. They are creating a new game entirely. A game that does not rely on a patriarchal society’s idea of how women should behave. A game without the pressure of rules. A game that is not based on who played it before, but based on these women’s individual choices. Hillary Clinton and Michelle Obama are defying and changing the traditional role of the First Lady through the influence of Eleanor Roosevelt and 4th wave feminism.
Angelina Grimke and Sojourner Truth were both prominent American civil rights activists of the 19th century who focused on the abolition of slavery and women’s rights issues, respectively. While both of these women challenged the societal beliefs of the United States at the time regarding these civil rights issues, the rhetorical strategies used by each of these women to not only illustrate their respective arguments but also to raise social awareness of these issues was approached in very different fashions. Angelina Grimke promoted the use of white middle-class women’s positions in the household to try to influence the decision makers, or men, around them. On the other hand, Sojourner Truth, a former slave turned women’s rights activist,
Her ideals were perfect for the times. In the mid-1960s the civil rights movement was in full swing. Across the nation, activists were working for equal civil rights for all Americans, regardless of race. In 1964 Chisholm was elected to the assembly. During the time that she served in the assembly Chisholm sponsored fifty bills, but only eight of them passed. One of the successful bills she supported provided assistance for poor students to go on to higher education. Another provided employment insurance coverage for personal and domestic employees. Still another bill reversed a law that caused female teachers in New York to lose their tenure (permanence of position) while they were out on maternity
Gloria Steinem’s “Living the Revolution” commencement speech highlights the hardships and stereotypes placed on women and men of all ethnicities in general society of the 1970’s decade, and suggests a necessary change is needed in the way we view people in general. Steinem goes on to support her ideas with numerous pieces of evidence. Foremost, she calls attention to the past and present stereotypes and prejudices and suggests that these ideas are “imbedded so deeply in our thinking” that we don’t often realize they are there (5). Secondly, she points out our society’s lack of female and African American role models and that the traditional white male leader is outdated and overdue for an upgrade (12-16). Steinem also puts for...
In Shirley Chisholm’s “I’d Rather Be Black Than Female,” she presents an examination of race and gender in politics. Chisholm was a black woman involved in politics, which led her to the conclusion that being black is preferable to being a woman. To substantiate the conclusion, Chisholm provides examples of racism and sexism from personal and observed experience.
“This is painful and it will be for a long time,” Clinton said, capturing her proponents’ disappointment in losing the campaign after a strong lead in the polls. She could not hide the remorse from her loss; however, the message she sent through her speech was nonetheless powerful and inspiring. “We 've spent a year and a half bringing together millions of people from every corner of our country to say with one voice that we believe that the American dream is big enough for everyone -- for people of all races and religions, for men and women, for immigrants, for LGBT people, and people with disabilities. For everyone,” Clinton announced, to a standing ovation from the audience. By doing this, she quickly reaffirmed that this loss is not the end, and urged all people to never stop fighting for the values they believe in. This appeal to emotion is a significant part of Clinton’s speech, as it comforted millions of devastated women and people of color whom a Trump presidency will deliver nothing but uncertainty, hatred, and