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Introduction on effects of institutional racism
Institutional racism in politics
Institutional racism in politics
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02/20/17 Game Session 2: Proposal: the Royal Sanction (king’s veto) should be added to the final constitution Today was a long day. The vote for Lafayette martial law passed, at this I am frustrated. For we are as good as dead if we let him have power. This situations calls for a riot. There needs to be change, a revolution. Tension is slowly building now that the National Guard has crushed some rioters. This is proof that the king does not care for us, he has rejected us and has not let our voices be heard no matter how loud we beg. For it “is indivisible for the same reason that it is inalienable. For either the will is general or it is not,” wrote Rousseau in the social contract. Many would agree that the king has way too much power. Us people have no say for the king has taken all of it for himself. This is unfair, he should not have this much power. This power that he has makes it difficult for the people of Paris to pass laws because if the king doesn’t get his way he can just veto it making sure that the law does not get passed. The king’s power needs to be reduced greatly. The people need their voices to be heard or else they will starve. If women and men have the right to vote, but have no power or say …show more content…
Which again we won by a landslide. At this I am still thrilled, us representatives of France are content and find no need to riot. Which means that we are happy and others are not frustrated by all of the chaos that us people of France have to create. Those who break this vow must go to prison as a punishment because it is a violation against humans. Rousseau wrote in the Social Contract, “it is important that there should be not partial society in the state.” It is only just that they be punished, for they should and are responsible to guide, support and have the best interest of the French people. Now if those that do not vow to obligatory oath will face justice by being
insist on our right of and capacity for being self-governing individuals. But we find ourselves again under the rule of a king - an authority exterior to the self. This time, however, we cannot as easily identify the king and declare our independence." Despite
In his book The French Revolution, William Doyle talks about the king’s power before the The French Revolution. Doyle explains that the king has an absolute monarchy over the citizens in France. An absolute monarchy is when a king or queen has full control over his citizens. The king is the judge, jury, and the executioner for his people. Whatever the king decides goes, no one has a say in what he has decided on. There are several examples that Doyle talks about in his book that shows how King Louis the 16th had an absolute monarchy over his citizens before 1787.
When the King of England began to infringe on the colonists’ liberties, leaders inspired by the enlightenment grouped together to defend the rights of the American colonies. As Thomas Jefferson writes in the Declaration of Independence, “History of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States” (Jefferson 778). The citizens of France, inspired by the enlightenment, desired a government run by the people. Marquis de Lafayette wrote, “Men are born and remain free and equal in rights; social distinctions may be based only upon general usefulness” (de Lafayette 783).
As the grievances are read down the list, the audience can interpret them as hard hitting points; read with pressing emotion. At this point, the grievances would then climax, putting special emphasis on the change from ‘He has’ to ‘He is’. This mechanism must be used in combination with the presentation of the information to produce the optimal effect. With this in use, it is not only important to rally the people, as previously described, but to affirm that this is the only possible solution. Near the end of the document, there is a reassurance given to the audience. “In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury” This would discount any arguments against those who believe a rebellion would be too disruptive and see a continued diplomatic stance as the
“Civil Disobedience,” written by Henry David Thoreau – originally published as “Resistance to Civil Government” in Aesthetic Papers (1849) and motivated by slavery and the Mexican-American War – discusses the hold government has on individuals in a society and the potential risks, as well as solutions, to overcoming the majority consciousness. Thoreau opens his essay with words he believes every government should live by: “That government is best which governs least.” Thoreau expresses that traditional government is often an inhibitor to the fluidity of justice and the desires of the majority, as well as the minority. As detailed, the American people have established a desire for some complicated concept to derive their government in order
The tight censorship employed in the city ensures that the very idea of resistance or rebellion continues to be a foreign notion, a necessary state of things if the rulers are to be able to continue to control the masses by purely mental and psychological means. The strongest of punishments – the death penalty – is reserved for “this one crime of speaking the Unspe...
...ached the King was viciously. The way to express yourself to a constituted authority would be almost that exact way, but less violence. Violence leads up to more problems and more violence. But peaceful protest is a way that people today should do.
The social order was also disturbed when civil disobedience arose as an answer to the assassination of Jorge Eliecer Gaitán and as an answer to the exclusion of political minorities during the National Front. The main problem with civil disobedience, not only in the case of Colombia but overall, is that it can quickly turn from being non-violent into posing a danger to the social contract and society as a whole. Because of this and because civil disobedience inherently implies the rejection of the laws set forth by the general will, it is impossible for civil disobedience and Rousseau’s social contract to coexist.
However, the noble-born were not ready to lose their supremacy, and there are very high chances that had they been aware of what the low-class citizens were planning, they would have retaliated with brutal force. Consequently, an upheaval was a need to change France, and anything contrary to that would need concrete proof that the Crown was ready to consider the problems of the people. On that note, contrary to Burke’s views, the people obviously had enough sense to realize that they were never going to have any privileges without force.
The Declaration declares that all French citizens must be guaranteed their natural born rights of “liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression.” In the Declaration, it disputes that there is a need for law that protects the citizens of Fra...
“I often wonder whether we do not rest our hopes too much upon constitutions, upon laws, and upon courts. These are false hopes; believe me, these are false hopes. Liberty lies in the hearts of men and women; when it dies there, no constitution, no law, not court can save it” (Judge Learned Hand, uen.org). In other words, one should not depend on these constitutions to make the changes they wish to see. In history, there have been numerous examples of political reform and change, but, in many cases, it was possible because an individual or group of people believed in something so strongly that they did everything in their power to initiate a transformation in society. Some tactics used were very successful, while others weren’t quite as impactful, nevertheless, these groups of people and organizations should be recognized for taking leadership even if it meant risking their lives, in some cases, and standing against the majority.
The King is a time honored emblem of leadership and guidance for the people of France. The National Assembly is taking away all his power and rights. Not only do they hold him captive in the Tuileries palace in the city of Paris but they have stripped him of everything he has ever stood for to the nation. We must give the King his distinction back; he is our monarch, our leader, and our guide through times of trouble. At the very least give him the right to a Royal Sanction, a check and balance on the National Assembly. It is the very least that the people of this Nation can do for him as he has done so much for us in his life time.
When one hears the word “rebellion,” he is inclined to imagine a brave, intelligent revolutionary who does not blindly conform to the majority, but does what he deems right and just. A rebel will do whatever it takes to bring into existence the world he wishes to see. This may be an admirable image, but it is not always the case. On many occasions, rebellion results from selfish, unpretentious desires. Rebellion is not only synonymous with independence and brilliance; it is also linked to immaturity and ignorance. This is evident in “Editha” by William Dean Howells, John Updike’s “A&P,” Ovid’s piece, “Metamorphosis,” and “Do Not Go Gentle into That Good Night” by Dylan Thomas.
“People have only as much liberty as they have the intelligence to want and the courage to take.” This quote by Emma Goldman not only perfectly sums up the French Revolution, but also reflects on the issue in society today with police racism and brutality. In Charles Dickens’ novel A Tale of Two Cities, the peasants suffer extreme injustice, they allow the revolution to go to their heads, and we see how violence only ever brings more violence .
Within democracies there is great dilemma between security (keeping the country and citizens safe) and liberty (honoring individual rights and freedoms). Many would attest that having both is vital to having a democracy. However, during specific periods, the government may value security above liberty or vice versa. In the particular scenario where a country goes to war, the true significance of the debate between security and liberty unveils. More specifically in a situation where a country orders a draft and enacts laws ordering those who protest against the war to be thrown in jail. In this situation, the government is placing the value of security above the value of liberty. Security is necessary, especially in times of war, but ignoring liberties jeopardizes the principles in which democracy was built. In addition, a lack of liberty can cause a country to be divided and citizens to become disloyal. All of which is a recipe for disaster during wartimes. While at the same time, it is important to respect people’s liberties, giving to many liberties threatens the security of the country by allowing citizens to protest and rebel against the government. Thus, a society must decide the right amount of both. People in a society with restricted liberties might begin to feel fear, anger, and resentment. This leads to protest, revolts, and mutinies such as it did in the scenario. Therefore, while security is imperative, undermining citizen’s liberties threatens the structure of democracy by restricting freedom, creating chaos and generating disloyalty in citizens.