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Civil rights in the USA
Civil rights in the USA
Civil rights in the USA
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Framing theory was chosen for the analysis of the civil rights movement because it’s understood as a theory that places “[...] emphasis on the intentional ways in which movement activists seek to construct their self-presentation to draw support from others” (Oliver & Johnson, 2000:1). It’s seen as a tool that allows movements to present their movement to the general public, an image or symbol that might have be considered as relatable to a number of people; in order to receive support. It’s a behavior that provides people with the opportunity to make sense of the grievances that confronts them, as well as their daily lives (Oliver & Johnson, 2000:5). It’s “[...] a thought organizer, highlighting certain events and facts as important and …show more content…
One could also look at the women’s rights movement during that period of time, it focused on women’s right but did not necessarily tackle the intersectional issues surrounding women such as race. As it was expressed in the article, “What a Good Idea! Frames and Ideologies in Social Movement Research”, framing theory “[enables] individuals to locate, perceive, identify and label occurrences’ and ‘selectively punctuate and encode objects, situations, events, experiences and sequences of action within one’s present and past environment” (Oliver & Johnson, 2000:4). For black women, there can be instances or events that can be considered as being an issue of race but then again, an issue can also stem from gender inequalities. The issue of identifying one’s grievance as being either racial or gender based will be further discussed in the …show more content…
Framing theory also supplies a level of rationality “[...] to an array of symbols, images, and arguments, linking them through an underlying organizing idea that suggest what is essential - what consequences and values are at stake”. As stated in the article, The Influence of Social Movement on Articulations of Race and Gender in Black Women’s Autobibliography, “[the] Black community’s aspirations were articulated ‘almost exclusively’ by Black men, while Black women’s concerns, problems, and objectives were rarely discussed.” (Brush, 1999:124). As previously stated, this can be seen as an issue surrounding the framing of the civil rights movement, due to the fact that not only were these men able to identify what was considered as being important for the purposes of the movement, they were also ‘almost exclusively’ the ones expressing the grievances of faced by the black community, which may have made them susceptible to making generalization as to what exactly were the grievances of the black community as a whole. bell hooks also expressed this idea, whereby she states that“[...] the history of our struggle as Black people is made synonymous with the efforts of Black males to have patriarchal power and privilege” (Brush, 1999:124). Since there were patriarchal
The book then shows different ways of how manhood has always played a part in black freedom struggles. Estes starts to explore the participation of black men in World War II, and where the beginning of the civil rights movement began. The World War II used a language of masculinity to increase different ranks of the military, “the notion that are men are more powerful than women, that they should have control over their own lives and the authority over others” (page 7). They were posters that said, “Man the guns”, or “What did you do during the war daddy?” these posters were used to say that man is a protector of the home. World War II also started man power shortages which opened up new advantages for women and minorities, there was less white men. Estes sees this challenge as a white man supremacy, which surfaced around the 1950’s and...
Dye drew together the essays of esteemed scholars, such as Ellen Carol DuBois, Barbara Sicherman, and Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, to shed light on the intersectionality between race, gender, and social class at the turn of the 20th Century. While many believe that it was a period of widespread activism and reform, these scholars support the idea that the Progressive Era was more of a conservative than liberal movement, in that it failed to challenge stereotypes about the female’s role in society and created a limited public sphere for women. While the women’s suffrage movement provided more opportunities for white middle-class women, it failed to lessen, or even worsened, the marginalization of immigrant and minority women. Many white-middle class women sympathized with European and Jewish immigrants and were willing to overlook socioeconomic class, but few supported the cause of colored women for labor and education
In “In Living Color: Race and American Culture”, Michael Omi claims that racism still takes place in America’s contemporary society. According to Omi, media and popular culture shape a segregating ideology by giving a stereotypical representation of black people to the public, thus generating discrimination between races (Omi 115:166). In “Bad Feminist: Take One”, Roxane Gay discusses the different roles that feminism plays in our society. She argues that although some feminist authors and groups try to create a specific image of the feminist approach, there is no definition that fully describe feminism and no behaviors that can make someone a good feminist or a bad feminist (Gay 304:306). Both authors argue
Women, Race and Class is the prolific analysis of the women's rights movement in the United States as observed by celebrated author, scholar, academic and political activist. Angela Y. Davis, Ph.D. The book is written in the same spirit as Howard Zinn's A People's History of the United States. Davis does not merely recount the glorious deeds of history. traditional feminist icons, but rather tells the story of women's liberation from the perspective of former black slaves and wage laborers. Essential to this approach is the salient omnipresent concept known as intersectionality.
During the twentieth century, people of color and women, suffered from various inequalities. W.E.B. Du Bois’ and Charlotte Perkins Gilman (formerly known as Charlotte Perkins Stetson), mention some of the concepts that illustrate the gender and racial divide during this time. In their books, The Soul of Black Folk and The Yellow Wallpaper, Du Bois’ and Gilman illustrate and explain issues of oppression, dismissal, and duality that are relevant to issues of race and gender.
...l activism and largely followed the political framework of the Civil Rights movement. Nonetheless, the leaders of each movement help to prove how both groups affected each other through political activism and participation.
Being a woman is hard work. We many have pressures on us from society to marry, bear children, be an upstanding citizen, and maintain some sort of career, all the while trying to understand our bodies and its changes; being a woman of color, or black woman, it’s even harder. Not only do we have to deal with everything a White woman does, and we also have the added pressure of defying stigmas and stereotypes within our own group of people. What stigma’s you ask? How about not being perceived as ignorant, uneducated, and or “ghetto”. The stereotypical misrepresentations of African-American women and men in popular culture have influenced societal views of Blacks for centuries. The typical stereotypes about Black women range from the smiling, asexual and often-obese Mammy to the promiscuous and the loud, smart mouthed, neck-rolling Black welfare mother is the popular image on reality television. These images portrayed in media and popular culture creates powerful ideology about race and gender, which affects every day experiences of Black women in America.
African American women are considered the most disadvantaged group vulnerable to discrimination and harassment. Researchers have concluded that their racial and gender classification may explain their vulnerable position within society, despite the strides these women have made in education, employment, and progressing their families and communities (Chavous et al. 2004; Childs 2005; Hunter 1998; Settles 2006; Wilkins 2012). Most people agree that race and gender categories are explained as the biological differences between individuals in our society; however sociologists understand that race and gender categories are social constructions that are maintained on micro and macro levels. Historically, those in power who control the means of production within a society have imposed race, class, and gender meanings onto the minority population in order to maintain their dominant position and justify the unequal treatment of minority individuals by the divisions of race, class, and gender categories (Collins 2004; Nguyen & Anthony 2014; Settles 2006;).
The media portrayed African American as “the angry black women”. “And who are the black women you see on the local news at night in the cities all over the country. They are usually mad about something” (Melissa v. Harris Perry 87). The media has stereotyped black women as loud, argumentative, irrationally angry and verbally abusive. These women are only standing up for their equal rights and in result they are classified as angry, because they make themselves heard or stand up for what is right. We are seen as angry because they think their actions are good and we should be fine with it. African American women weren’t having it and the media would say what they wanted good or bad. Employment for African American women was skewed because they were women and they were said to not be as strong as men. Women weren’t allowed to get an education because “it wasn’t needed or women are supposed to stay at home and cook and clean”. Black women didn’t receive the right health care they needed because of their skin tone and most of them died in result of them becoming too ill. Women fought profusely for equal rights in politics. “Black women are the leaders behind some of the most prominent racial justice movements of our time” (Black Women in
In the weekly readings for week five we see two readings that talk about the connections between women’s suffrage and black women’s identities. In Rosalyn Terborg-Penn’s Discontented Black Feminists: Prelude and Postscript to the Passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, we see the ways that black women’s identities were marginalized either through their sex or by their race. These identities were oppressed through social groups, laws, and voting rights. Discontented Black Feminists talks about the journey black feminists took to combat the sexism as well as the racism such as forming independent social clubs, sororities, in addition to appealing to the government through courts and petitions. These women formed an independent branch of feminism in which began to prioritize not one identity over another, but to look at each identity as a whole. This paved the way for future feminists to introduce the concept of intersectionality.
Social movement is a key driver of social change. Social movement can be defined as groups of individuals or organizations that have a main focus on political or social issues. The movements build off of a collective behavior to promote a particular idea that is to be implemented on a society wide scale. The Civil Rights movement is perhaps the most well-known social movement occurring in the 1960s. Its success led to the creation of many more social movements that used similar tactics to push their ideas.
In an interview I composed with my mother, I asked her “What were some challenges you had to face being a black woman in the south” which she replied “As a black woman, it was hard because you would be considered last on the totem pole, and we were seen as stereotypes such as barefoot and pregnant.” It hard to challenge these thoughts which Collins described as “controlling images” that society puts on you because of your race or sexuality (pg.1). The author Rhoda Jeffries touches on some black women struggles in her article Editor’s Introduction: Fortitudinous Femininity: Black Women’s Resilience in the Face of Struggle when she says “Jeffries and Jeffries further explore the role of mentoring among Black women and challenge mass media to carefully craft images that positively depict African American women in the various roles they play in “Mentoring and mothering Black femininity in the academy: An exploration of body, voice and image through Black female characters.” (p.82) Media has a huge impact on society, which is because of what people see on television or read on social media, since people aren’t use to or don’t understand something they tend to place it on a certain race or
In her 1981 work Ain’t I a Woman?: Black women and feminism, bell hooks denounced the then still dominantly White feminist movement: “While it is in no way racist for any author to write a book exclusively about white women, it is fundamentally racist for books to be published that focus solely on the American white woman's experience in which that experience is assumed to be the American woman's experience.” Her work not only challenged the intention of the feminist movement, but supplied another perspective on the Civil Rights Movement and the subservient positions constrained upon black women at the time, leading to the face of Black resistance to oppression to be seen as a man’s struggle; this, she argued, was comparable to the feminist movement, in which these exploited women were asked to step
Multiracial feminism recognizes the need for coalition politics. The autonomous women of color feminist organizations share similar goals, and they realize there is strength in numbers. While creating autonomous groups allows Blacks, Latinas, Native American, and Asian women to focus solely on the oppressions they individually face, they are aware that they share problems with racism, sexism, and classism. Most minority groups are targeted by the government and live in low income households. Along with receiving support from other minority groups they also receive support from militant antiracist white feminists as well. An idea multiracial feminism expanded on was the phrase “Personal is Political”, which means issues that seem personal (abortion, abuse, employment, etc.) are actually political issues (Thompson, 59). Multiracial feminism made the point to expand on that phrase and according to Anne Braden, expand it to “The Personal is Political and The Political is Personal” (Thompson, 59). This expansion of the phrase is important to the antiracist white supporters of women of color. It lets them know that racism, and oppression only women of color face does not mean white women cannot be aware of it and speak out against it. It made the point that a person does not need to directly experience the oppression in order to know it is not right. This allows an
In the book Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center written by bell hooks, an African-American author, social activist and feminist first published in 1984 the author explains what she believes are the core principles of feminism. Throughout the book the author examines the early feminist theory and goes on to criticize it saying that it did not aim for a systematic change also that the movement has the potential to improve the lives of both men and women immensely. In the book the author investigates the performance of African-American women in the movement and what is needed to drive the movement towards ending oppression of all kinds.