The 1950s in America are remembered as a sort of golden age in our history, not just because the economy was thriving, people could move out of the busy city to the quiet suburbs, and Humphrey Bogart and Frank Sinatra was still alive, but because things were simple. True, we entered into an arms race that would hang like a sword over the heads of the American people for the next thirty years, but other than that, people were comforted with the fact that they knew that America was the indisputable hero out to beat the malevolent villain. We were a country of Spaghetti Westerns and Superman, and were too comfortable portraying ourselves as the lawful good. However, by the time we get involved with Vietnam, more and more Americans began to become skeptical of the administration, and many began to suspect their own government was an enemy as well. With the wave of the civil rights movement and the Women’s movement, the government attempted to reprimand the flaws in the system, but there was nothing they could do fast enough to satisfy the people. As the Cold War era heated up, Presidents began to become more and more nervous in the hot seat, and this is where we see the trend of seemingly bungling, clandestine presidencies with leaders who didn’t know how to spread themselves effectually across the issues at home and overseas.
Truman, Eisenhower, and Kennedy all had fairly similar policies aimed to promote racial integration, expand Social Security, contain the Soviet threat to the Eastern Bloc, and rebuild postwar Europe under an American democratic influence.1 Truman’s actions are more so admirable than anything when one considers the immense stress and disapproval he was under for the majority of his two terms; none the less, he s...
... middle of paper ...
...a of Misunderstanding,” Presidential Studies
Quarterly 36, no. 1 (2006): 59–74.
Pach, Chester J., and Elmo Richardson. The Presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower. Lawrence:
University Press of Kansas, 1991.
Preble, Christopher A. “'Who Ever Believed in the 'Missile Gap'?': John F. Kennedy and the
Politics of National Security,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 33, no. 4 (2003): 801–826.
Reichard, Gary W. “Early Returns: Assessing Jimmy Carter,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 20, no. 3 (1990): 603–620.
Ripley, C. Peter. Richard Nixon. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1987.
Spalding, Elizabeth Edwards. The First Cold Warrior: Harry Truman, Containment, and the
Remaking of Liberal Internationalism. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2006.
Wilson, James Graham. “Did Reagan Make Gorbachev Possible?” Presidential Studies
Quarterly 38, no. 3 (2008): 456–475.
As we move into the reelection year, the authors accuse Nancy of ensuring that Reagan hasn’t campaigned for eight months, following a “Rose Garden strategy.” But Reagan has no credible opponent for the 1984 nomination, and Walter Mondale, who will be his Democratic opponent in the general election, has not yet been nominated. So there is no need for a strategy, Rose Garden or otherwise. Of course we get the full chapter and verse on Reagan’s poor performance in his first debate with Mondale; at least we also get the report on the second debate. From there the narrative jumps to the Iran-Contra affair. A few high points — like the Berlin Wall speech in 1987 — are indeed included, but without any perspective on Reagan’s strategy, perseverance with the Soviets on arms control, or success in revitalizing the U.S. economy. Nothing is said about Reagan’s four second-term summits with Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Except for a few comments that Reagan deplored Communism, this is a policy-free book, and a book
On October 22, 1962, President John F. Kennedy reached out to America and the Cubans with his Cuban Missile Crisis Address to the Nation. During this time, the Cold War had occupied several countries of world. This war resulted from tensions, military and political, between Russia and its allies and America, its allies, and the Western Hemisphere. When President Kennedy gave his speech, Russia had occupied Cuba and began building military bases that contained nuclear warheads and other deadly missiles. People of America saw this as a threat to the freedom of the U.S. and the Western Hemisphere. In a time of great tension and fear, President Kennedy delivered his spectacular and reassuring speech that appealed to the citizens of American in several ways.
Both John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon were elected to Congress in 46, a year in which the New Deal took a serious beating as the Republicans regained control of Congress on the slogan Had Enough? Nixon of course, had campaigned against incumbent Jerry Voorhis on an anti-New Deal platform, but it's often forgotten that when JFK first ran for the House in 1946, he differentiated himself from his Democratic primary opposition by describing himself as a fighting conservative. In private, Kennedy's antipathy to the traditional FDR New Deal was even more extensive. When Kennedy and Nixon were sworn in on the same day, both were already outspoken on the subject of the emerging Cold War. While running for office in 1946, Kennedy proudly told a radio audience of how he had lashed out against a left-wing group of Young Democrats for being naive on the subject of the Soviet Union, and how he had also attacked the emerging radical faction headed by Henry Wallace. Thus, when Kennedy entered the House, he was anything but progressive in his views of either domestic or foreign policy. It didn't take long for these two to form a friendship. Both were Navy men who had served in the South Pacific, and both saw themselves as occupying the vital center of their parties. Just as JFK lashed out against the New Deal and the radical wing of the Democratic party, so too did Richard Nixon distance himself from the right-wing of the Republican party. Nixon's support of Harry Truman's creation of NATO and the aid packages to Greece and Turkey meant rejecting the old guard isolationist bent of the conservative wing that had been embodied in Mr. Republican Senator Robert Taft. Indeed, when it came time for Nixon to back a nominee in 1948, his support went to the more centrist Thomas E. Dewey, and not to the conservative Taft. Kennedy decided to go into politics mainly because of the influence of his father. Joe Kennedy, Jr. had been killed in the European arena of World War II and so the political ambitions of the family got placed on the shoulders of John. Nixon, however, got involved in politics by chance. While celebrating the end of the war in New York, he received a telegram from an old family friend indicating that they needed someone to run against the Democrat Jerry Voorhis.
He was totally obscure on the national stage. In the consequence of Nixon's Watergate outrage, be that as it may, this turned into preference. It additionally helped Carter that the disrespected Nixon and Vice President Spiro Agnew were supplanted on the republican ticket by Gerald Ford, a political insider with no moxy and an uncanny talent for tumbling down stairs on camera. In spite of a less than ideal meeting in Playboy magazine, which dove his rating in the surveys, Carter squeaked out a tight
1 Walter Lippman, The Cold War: A Study in U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1947) 48-52.
May, Ernest R. “John F Kennedy and the Cuban MIssile Crisis.” BBC News. BBC., 18 Nov. 2013.
Harry S Truman and Dwight David Eisenhower were both Presidents of the United States from the 1940s to 1950s, with the latter succeeding Truman. Both these presidents served two consecutive terms, despite the fact that Truman’s first term was given by default as the result of a misfortune, which brought him the nickname of ‘Accidental President’, and the suspicion and doubt by many of his capabilities as President. Truman and Eisenhower are both from the South, though both were born into considerably poor families, Truman had actually experienced poverty whereas Eisenhower was more privileged, to receive a more sheltered beginning; their social background influenced greatly their general belief and stance, enactment of policies, and their views on domestic affairs. Despite their social setback, Truman endeavoured in law and politics, and became a career politician during the Interbellum period, whilst Eisenhower a career soldier, who rose to prominence and became a General known for his planning of Operation Overlord, factoring greatly into his likeness and favourability by Americans, yet showed him as an inexperienced politician. Truman and Eisenhower were of opposing parties, yet Eisenhower had no political stance originally, it was only after his siding with the Republican party that he received the nickname, the ‘Middle Road’, due to the moderate political stance and likeness by both parties he had despite his party affiliation, Eisenhower’s liberal side showed particularly in his actions concerning healthcare, education and welfare, such as his expansion of Social Security, which similarly paralleled Truman’s attitudes towards social welfare. Despite such si...
Robert F. Kennedy's chilling account of his experiences with his brother, President John F. Kennedy over thirteen days in October of 1962 give an idea to the reader of just how alarmingly close our country came to nuclear war. Kennedy sums up the Cuban Missile Crisis as "a confrontation between two atomic nations...which brought the world to the abyss of nuclear destruction and the end of mankind."1 The author's purpose for writing this memoir seems to be to give readers an idea of the danger confronted during the Cuban Missile Crisis and to reflect on the lessons we should learn from it as a country, and for future members of government.
Hammond, Thomas, Editor. Witnesses to the Origins of the Cold War. University of Washington Press. Seattle, 1982.
Perhaps the most critical moment that had occurred to the United States and the world of the last century is the Cuban Missile Crisis. The significance of this event was that it had brought the world to the closest it could ever be to a nuclear war. Millions of lives, cultures and infrastructure would have been lost if it was not splendidly dealt with. Yet, a man was able to prevent this devastation, and he was none other than President John Fitzgerald Kennedy (JFK) of the United States. How was he significant to the event? This research paper will discuss it with the points that are based on JFK’s characteristics. Hence, to provide an overview of this paper; the outbreak of nuclear warfare was prevented in the Cuban Missile Crisis specifically by John F. Kennedy’s many distinguished characteristics.
1. In what ways were President Kennedy 's foreign policy decisions shaped by Cold War ideology?
To many, the 1960's could definately be considered one of the most controversial decades of this century. It was a time in which many mistakes were made evolving around the Vietnam War which resulted in the immense suffering of two nations. The war had many casualties; along with the death of soldiers and civilians, LBJ's presidency and the 'Great Society' also were killed by the war. The US's fear of the domino theory led them in an attempt to control the spread of communism in North Vietnam, whose government was led by Ho Chi Minh. This attempt had failed in many ways because of an inexperienced president and his unarticulated ideals of how to control a war and satisfy his country at the same time. After the unfortunate assassination of John F. Kennedy on November 22, 1963, his successor, vice-president, Lyndon Baines Johnson, or LBJ, was forced to take the plunge into presidency at a crucial time. The Vietnam War had already been ignited and US involvement was apparent. Because Johnson was an insecure man, and with that insecurity came a fear of being ridiculed, he wanted to show the American people that he could be the best president in US history. Although his intentions to create a 'Great Society' and to win the war in Vietnam were probably for the best, he still managed to make more mistakes that anything else. In August of 1964, LBJ, wantin to look serious about the halt of communism, bombed the North Vietnamese for carrying out attacks on US warships, however, this was mainly to look tough in front of his rival Goldwater. This incident became known as the Gulf of Tonkin Incident. "We knew that the hostile actions against the US ship on the high seas of the Gulf of Tonkin, have today required me to or...
Eisenhower’s dynamic conservatism now known as Modern Republicanism labeled him as a nonpartisan leader, who was fiscally conservative in reducing federal spending and socially moderate in maintaining existing social and economic legislation of the New Deal. With the policy shift of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, foreign policy in dealing with Communism went from containing it, to rolling it back. The Strategic Air Command was established as a fleet of super bombers that were equipped with nukes that would allow for massive retaliation in the place of a large standing army or navy, and the threat of massive retaliation was used to get the Soviets to surrender, and issued the Mutual Assured Destruction, where both sides knew that neither nation would declare nuclear war because it would result in total annihilation ...
Richard Neustadt today is a professor of politics and has written many books on subjects pertaining to government and the inter workings of governments. He has many years of personal experience working with the government along with the knowledge of what makes a president powerful. He has worked under President Truman, Kennedy and Johnson. His credibility of politics has enhanced his respect in the field of politics. His works are studied in many Universities and he is considered well versed in his opinions of many different presidents. It is true that he seems to use Truman and Eisenhower as the main examples in this book and does show the reader the mistakes he believes were made along the way in achieving power.
Taubman, William. Stalin's American Policy: From Entente to Detente to Cold War. New York: Norton, 1982. Print.