Argentina, which was soon to become the economic powerhouse, quickly descends into a ghost town of abandoned factories and mass unemployment. President Carlos Menem transformed Argentina by selling out every public asset he could find; he privatized factories, and created many corporate handouts. The nation approved of Menem’s changes, and Washington said “This is the best thing ever” (The Take) What the citizens didn’t realize is that by transforming the nation this way, Menem was creating a capitalist wild west. This caused more than half the people to live under the poverty line, and they were at the point where being offered food for pay was the citizen’s only option.
The Forja auto plant lies dormant after Menem’s crucial choices. The employees take action and form a new movement of workers who are occupying their own bankrupt businesses, which create jobs for the recently unemployed. Freddy Espinoza the president of La Forja joined with co-workers in hopes of bringing their factory back to life without a boss making all the decisions. The worker’s plan was to have a democratic organization where everyone votes on all decisions, not just one person making the choices. Their biggest inspiration on the movement was the Zanon Ceramics factory. The factory has been worker controlled for just over two years at this time, and succeeded in everything they had strived for. Just like Zanon becoming a successful cooperative business, some Canadian cooperative businesses have become very successful and well known. Agropur, a dairy company providing their products to name-bran yogurts and ice cream companies, is a very successful cooperative business. Even though Canada is mostly a neoliberalism country, abiding by the rules of having...
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...t taking “no” as an answer. If there is one thing that the Forja workers taught people is that nothing in life will come easy. If Canada had this attitude we would be a lot further in our economic life. Social justice is not necessarily the key to everything, but it is a start.
Works Cited
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The use of participatory techniques by Americans disempowered in the political and working system in the United States to make their voices hear and express their concerns. The language of the disempowered conceal institutional forms to make understood the discrimination and inequality that they are facing in the workplace by powerful companies or corporations and to stop the improper destruction of the environmental through unsuitable modernization projects where capitalists would be the survivors. The disempowered use elections and interest group lobbying in order to make their voices hear and bring about political change. Providing evidences from articles such as: “Protest and Disruption: The Political of Outsiders” by Greenberg, and “Detroit: I Do Mind Dying,” Chapters:1-2 by Dan Georgakas. We are going to explore the “outside the system” of the disempowered that those authors provide in the process to protect themselves and their interests.
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Globalization, the term used to describe the dominant framework of international relations following the cold war, is affecting many aspects of politics and social experience. This is seen in the Zapatista rebellion and movement in Chiapas, Mexico that has benefited from globalization and transnational support. This paper examines the relationship of transnationalism and social movements with the Zapatistas as a case study. In particular, this paper argues that the Zapatistas are part of the anti-globalization cycle of protest. As a result, they have used the master frame of this cycle of protest and aligned that frame in light of their particular situation. Because this frame was resonant with transnational activists a network of support was formed, which pressures the government from above, increasing the chances of success of a movement. The paper concludes by examining the implications of the Zapatistas for social movement research, with particular regard for Tarrow’s “strong thesis” about movements in a transnational era
The working class, faced with all the struggles that capitalism puts it through, is bound to revolt against the ruling class. During the 19th century, Marx states that “the workers begin to form combinations (Trades’ Unions) against the bourgeois; they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots.” Today, the working class hosts manifestations and form multiple organizations to help them through their struggles. In New York, the Occupy Wall Street movement organizes marches to demand fairer laws, such as universal health
The following essay will attempt to evaluate the approach taken by Dworkin and Habermas on their views of civil disobedience. The two main pieces of literature referred to will be Dworkin?s paper on 'Civil Disobedience and Nuclear Protest?' and Habermas's paper on 'Civil Disobedience: Litmus Test for the Democratic Constitutional State.' An outline of both Dworkin's and Habermas's approach will be given , further discussion will then focus on a reflective evaluation of these approaches. Firstly though, it is worth commenting on civil disobedience in a more general context. Most would agree that civil disobedience is a 'vital and protected form of political communication in modern constitutional democracies' and further the 'civil disobedience has a legitimate if informal place in the political culture of the community.' Civil disobedience can basically be broken down into two methods, either intentionally violating the law and thus incurring arrest (persuasive), or using the power of the masses to make prosecution too costly to pursue (non persuasive).
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He begins with a brief acknowledgement of Dr. Dorothy Pearson and her incredible contributions to social work. He then moved into discussing social justice and social equity to lay a definitional foundation for his lecture. He went on to say social justice is a process and not
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While the success of the YM can be argued, they none the less actively fight for a social change they believe in. While their method of “identity correction” may not be a traditional tactic of social movements it none the less is another weapon in the anti-globalization war. It goes without saying that education of any social movement among the masses is critical for its success. In this context, the YM provide a valuable tool for the anti-globalization movement. While there isn’t widespread approval of their methods within the movement, it’s hard to fault the YM for their active participation.
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Our struggle is not easy, and we must not think of nonviolence as a safe way to fight oppression, the strength of nonviolence comes from your willingness to take personal risks in Kohlberg’s moral stage 5 moral rights and social contract is explained in this political analysis on governmental power and the antiapartheid and central America work when they led protest on campuses with hundreds being arrested and 130 campus withdrawals.
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A growing population of women’s activists can be attributed to the growing number of courses being offered and information available. Only a few decades ago this would not have been heard of. It is due to the increasing amount of awareness on the topic of women’s status as second class citizens that activism has increased. Through various media, we have learned of topics such as the “glass ceiling”, the working conditions of women in Third World countries, the current injustices against women being carried out in the First World, reproductive rights, as written about by Angle Davis, and other limitations imposed on women.