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european colonization to american societies
european colonization to american societies
native american interaction with europeans
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“Black Awakening in Capitalist America”, Robert Allen’s critical analysis of the structure of the U.S.’s capitalist system, and his views of the manner in which it exploits and feeds on the cultures, societies, and economies of less influential peoples to satiate its ever growing series of needs and base desires. From a rhetorical analysis perspective, Allen describes and supports the evidence he sees for the theory of neocolonialism, and what he sees as the black people’s place within an imperial society where the power of white influence reigns supreme. Placing the gains and losses of the black people under his magnifying glass, Allen describes how he sees the ongoing condition of black people as an inevitable occurrence in the spinning cogs of the capitalist machine. Before entering into the main body of his writing, Allen describes to readers the nature of the “semicolony”, domestic colonialism, and neocolonialism ideas to which he refers to throughout the bulk of his book. Priming the reader for his coming argument, Allen introduces these concepts and how they fit into the white imperialist regime, and how the very nature of this system is designed to exploit the native population (in this case, transplanted native population). He also describes the “illusion” of black political influence, and the ineffectiveness (or for the purposes of the white power structure, extreme effectiveness) of a black “elite”, composed of middle and upper class black Americans. Allen goes on to explain and support his views on black neocolonialism. He does so by illustrating his views of black power, from the original conception of the term, and the history of effort towards giving the black community political influence. Continuing from this ... ... middle of paper ... ... of it. The only manner in which significant populations of people could truly escape this economic entrapment would be through hard fought social reform, but the path would not be easy to walk for any party involved. I believe that the model of a black domestic colony allows one to gain a clearer view of problems that are faced in attempting to escape the impoverished state that the greater black population finds itself in. But, in my opinion, I do not find it to be the best manner with which to look at the reality of the situation. For while the poverty of the black population is unique, this one community cannot be specifically isolated from the whole of American poverty. Generational poverty in the U.S. is a complex issue and I do not believe it can be properly portrayed through such a simplified model. With that in mind, to me the model is just that, a model.
In his essay, “On Being Black and Middle Class” (1988), writer and middle-class black American, Shelby Steele adopts a concerned tone in order to argue that because of the social conflicts that arise pertaining to black heritage and middle class wealth, individuals that fit under both of these statuses are ostracized. Steele proposes that the solution to this ostracization is for people to individualize themselves, and to ‘“move beyond the victim-focused black identity” (611). Steele supports his assertion by using evidence from his own life and incorporating social patterns to his text. To reach his intended audience of middle-class, black people, Steele’s utilizes casual yet, imperative diction.
Black Power, the seemingly omnipresent term that is ever-so-often referenced when one deals with the topic of Black equality in the U.S. While progress, or at least the illusion of progress, has occurred over the past century, many of the issues that continue to plague the Black (as well as other minority) communities have yet to be truly addressed. The dark cloud of rampant individual racism may have passed from a general perspective, but many sociologists, including Stokely Carmichael; the author of “Black Power: the Politics of Liberation in America”, have and continue to argue that the oppressive hand of “institutional racism” still holds down the Black community from making any true progress.
C. Peter Riply at el.: African American Voices on Race, Slavery, and Emnancipation. The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill & London, 1993, pp15-37.
Pattillo’s declaration is that she provides an extremely distinct and commanding narrative surrounding the power of the black middle class ‘middlemen’ in chapter three. She asserts that these middlemen act as power brokers; the core liaison between the “man”; upper crust, well to do whites with power, and the “little-man,” the poor and mostly disenfranchised people who have little to no resources as well as those who are in need of the most assistance. With no true voice of their own and the inability to speak to or be heard by the “man,” the little-man not only relies on the middleman but heavily benefits from these agents of change who pool together their resources and use their college education, influence, philanthropic connections and collective power to bring about change that not only benefits them, but anyone else in the community they are advocating. As a result, in the most simplistic of terms, everyone wins. This train of thought is practical and believable based on Dr. Pattillo’s research. However, what is not as practical is how this same conceptual ideology is not applied to the black middle class of the ‘Golden Era’ of
The topic of the book is how black America is on the wrong path and how it needs to be fixed. One of the problems that are stated in the book is the cultural of blackness treats victimhood not as a problem to be solved but an identity to be nurtured. Separatism is also a problem that encourages black Americans to see black people as superior, which the rules other Americans are expected to follow are suspended out of a belief that victimhood lets them be exempt from them. The author sought to accomplish getting black America back on track. He suggests that it will require some profound adjustments in black identity.
Steven Hahn’s A Nation Under Our Feet explores the difficulties faced by blacks in America before, during, and after the civil war. He begins in the early eighteen-sixties with slaves on the cusp of freedom, and concludes in the early nineteen-hundreds with the occurrence of the Great Migration. Hahn, in focusing in on the rural south, strives to share the thought that African Americans revealed the complexity in the relationship between labor and politics in America. He believes that in their struggles to define and understand themselves, they also influenced greatly the development of a new nation.
This difficulty to see the issue that “attacks ones sense of reality” – the fear that the world may not be the same as it appears – is why progress is so slow. As African American people attempt to climb out of the pit whites forced them to dig hundreds of years ago, whites fail to see that they could use a ladder to get out. Baldwin and Coates’ views on white Americans ignorance to the problems clearly align, showing how they chose to ignore the problems because addressing them changes things, and they are afraid of
Nearly all of the problems the Black Panther Party attacked are the direct descendants of the system which enslaved Blacks for hundreds of years. Although they were given freedom roughly one hundred years before the arrival of the Party, Blacks remain victims of White racism in much the same way. They are still the target of White violence, regulated to indecent housing, remain highly uneducated and hold the lowest position of the economic ladder. The continuance of these problems has had a nearly catastrophic effect on Blacks and Black families. Brown remembers that she “had heard of Black men-men who were loving fathers and caring husbands and strong protectors.. but had not known any” until she was grown (105). The problems which disproportionatly affect Blacks were combatted by the Party in ways the White system had not. The Party “organized rallies around police brutality against Blacks, made speeches and circulated leaflets about every social and political issue affecting Black and poor people, locally, nationally, and internationally, organized support among Whites, opened a free clinic, started a busing-to prisons program which provided transport and expenses to Black families” (181). The Party’s goals were to strengthen Black communities through organization and education.
Dr. Liebow, born in Washington, dropped out of high school to join the Marine Corps in 1942 and saw action in the South Pacific during World War II, He earned an English literature degree on the GI Bill. He received a bachelor's degree in English literature from George Washington University in 1949 and pursued graduate studies in ancient history at the University of Maryland before turning to anthropology. Liebow sets out to show the hypocrisies that lead black men to this circumstance. The study is carried out in Washington D.C. The key argument posed by Liebow is that black males are incapable of attaining jobs because they lack education. He also argues that this is a cycle that inevitably results in a trans-generational marginalization of the black race. On top of this, he argues that the white middle class are unrelenting with their methods of depriving black advancement in American society. Liebow picked a location that would be easy to get to from his office and his home in Brookland: 11th and M streets NW in Shaw, a corner that had a carryout, liquor store, dry cleaner and shoe-repair shop. He went to 11th and M nearly every day for 18 months. He accompanied the men to bars and parties. He went to court appearances and visited them in
Since the 1880?s, when European nations colonized Africa, Europe had almost complete control over the continent, but this changed during the 1950?s and 60?s. By 1958, ten African countries had gained their independence, and sixteen more joined the list in 1960 alone. Although these nations? gain of independence demonstrates the ability of blacks to overpower their white oppressors, Baldwin argues ?The word ?independence? in Africa and the word ?integration? here are almost equally meaningless; that is, Europe has not yet left Africa, and black men here are not yet free? (336). While black people had been legally free in the United States since 1863, two decades before the European colonization of Africa, they were still not truly free, almost a century later.
Locke is a skilled writer and is able to eloquently articulate his argument. His idea regarding the psychology of “The Negro” deserves merit for its freshness and distinctness on the topic of racism and equality alone. His outlook on society for people of color takes a positive and forward thinking approach to motivate black Americans. He cleverly refers to the cruel past as the “medieval America,” and reassures his audience that they must not dwell on the past and its failures because they can apply their energy towards the life that they can and will have. In addition, I appreciate the fact that he acknowledges the changes and achievements of black individuals at this point in time, including migration the black population the south to the north, making it no longer predominantly in the south. I find it noteworthy that he lists reasons for migration such as poor crops, social terrorism, and demands for the war industry as contributing factors for the move, but states that it is not
The structure of a society is based on the concept of superiority and power which both “allocates resources and creates boundaries” between factors such as class, race, and gender (Mendes, Lecture, 09/28/11). This social structure can be seen in Andrea Smith’s framework of the “Three Pillars of White Supremacy.” The first pillar of white supremacy is the logic of slavery and capitalism. In a capitalist system of slavery, “one’s own person becomes a commodity that one must sell in the labor market while the profits of one’s work are taken by someone else” (Smith 67). From this idea of viewing slavery as a means of capitalism, Blacks were subjected to the bottom of a racial hierarchy and were treated nothing more than a property and commodity that is used for someone else’s benefit. The second pillar involves the logic of genocide and colonialism. With genocide, “Non-Native peoples th...
Black thinkers have emerged throughout the troubled history of our nation despite the God-like presence in the opposition of their success. Alexander Crummell is one of these thinkers who drove through the oppressive forces of whiteness. In his writings, “Destiny and Race”, Crummell writes a section solely about “The Negro As a Source of Conservative Power”. Crummell summarizes the glaring problems of American society during this time and explains the reasons negroes are the chosen people to save America from it’s impending undoing.
In the years since the official end of slavery, the plight of Africans in America and Africans in the world is to subsist in a world that is dominated by a western culture whose aim is to subjugate all other cultures that resist conformity. Dr. Boykin Sanders, in his book, Blowing the Trumpet in Open Court” discusses the monumental negative effect of integration and those who support it on the African world. According to Sanders, integration robbed Africans in America of their independence and fortitude. He does not leave Africans in America unscathed in his assault on this phenomenon. He actually blames them for their plight. His discusses the plight of Africans in America and Africans on the continent by diagnosing the problem: The gaunt appearance of Africans in America today is rooted in a disease call integration. The gaunt appearance of Africans on the continent is rooted in a disease
Booker T. Washington uses a variety of metaphors to convince the white people that the newly freed slaves are the catalysts for their economy and have not changed from before. Washington stresses the importance of the black people to the white peoples as he commands them to “Cast it down among the eight million of Negroes whose habits you know” (450). The whites are looking for new labor to fill the positions opened by the freeing of the slaves, and Washington replies to look no further than the freed slaves. Through “casting it down” where they are, the white people can still gain prosperity through hiring the people they had once enslaved, without going distances to find what they need. With this he proves that the black people are vital to the economy and prosperity for America, enslaved or freed. Furthermore, Washington first sets the scene for the white people about the black people’s situation, making it a dark and dreary scene...