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The effects of Jim Crow laws
The inception of racial inequality in America
1960s race relations
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Recommended: The effects of Jim Crow laws
Originally derived from a three lectures series delivered by Woodward in the mid-1950’s, this book summarizes the history of racial oppression that developed in the United States after Reconstruction and that has remained with us ever since. Woodward explains how perpetual racial animus was not necessarily the inevitable outcome to be expected at the end of the Civil War and Reconstruction, but instead, was the product of choices by opportunistic politicians who furthered their own ends by furnishing their frightened constituents with someone to hate, despise, denigrate and abuse (Woodward, 12). It is essentially the story of “The Southern Strategy” rewound a century in which the role of the modern GOP is replaced by Conservative Southern …show more content…
"The party of white supremacy had become on the national plane, the outspoken champion of Negro rights, while the party of emancipation had been left free to seek alliance in the South with the disaffected white-supremacy leaders." In an additional paradox unknown to me previously, progressive activists were allied with Jim Crow enablers. The more forward thinking the south became, the more entrenched did Jim Crow. In the end, what is apparent is that Jim Crow thinking was implemented not to ensure the state's survival in the 20th century and was not a defense against any sort of pressure from the North but instead more combative and assertive in a virulent racism. As race again takes prominence in the 21st century and the discussion of representations of confederate "heritage" are debated openly, this book is highly relevant and should be compulsory; this is especially true for those who believe the federal government is evil and is out to "get" …show more content…
His coverage of the actual Jim Crow era is somewhat light compared to other sections with the assumption that his target audience was already familiar with the topic (Chafe, Raymond and Robert, 56). He further speeds along to the decline of Jim Crow following World War II. Before this date, the judicial and executive branches were involved in desegregation on the small scale, but the public was largely uninvolved. After 1954, widespread public involvement spurred legislative action. Several later revisions by the author take the narrative of the Civil Rights movement up to around 1970, covering familiar topics like Martin Luther King, Malcolm X; sit ins, black nationalism, etc. The two slight flaws have more to do with the nature of historical writing in the 50's than with any flaw in his research. First, he incorporates a wide variety of sources in his book, second, this history is rather a "top down" history, focusing on governmental laws, newspapers, etc. He does not include the viewpoints of many common people, especially women and most importantly
...isely. This book has been extremely influential in the world of academia and the thinking on the subject of segregation and race relations in both the North and the South, but more importantly, it has influenced race relations in practice since it was first published. However, Woodward’s work is not all perfect. Although he does present his case thoroughly, he fails to mention the Negroes specifically as often as he might have. He more often relies on actions taken by whites as his main body of evidence, often totally leaving out the actions that may have been taken by the black community as a reaction to the whites’ segregationist policies.
Davis, W. (2002). Look away! A history of the Confederate States of America. New York:
C. Vann Woodward, who died in 1999 at the age of 91, was America's most Southern historian and the winner of a Pulitzer Prize, for Mary Chestnut's Civil War. He’s also a Bancroft Prize for The Origins of the New South. In honor of his long and adventurous career, Oxford is pleased to publish this special commemorative edition of Woodward's most influential work, The Strange Career of Jim Crow. The Strange Career of Jim Crow is one of the great works of Southern history. The book actually helped shape that historical curve of black liberation; it’s not slowed movement; it’s more like a rollercoaster.
...y captures the South and the aspects that it holds dear and appeals to both people of the North and South alike through accurate and descriptive examples of Southern culture. Dixie embodied the start of the South and some agriculture aspects persist today, yet through industrialization the Southeast has changed from Dixie’s rural land to urban areas of growth. Cultural South continues to shape the current attitudes and values that are exhibited in many residents who are proud of their background and are satisfied with its current ideas and cultures. While the South heralds from traditional values and institutions, Dixie, Southeast, and Cultural South have been blended together to form what we today consider the South.
Prior to the 1950s, very little research had been done on the history and nature of the United States’ policies toward and relationships with African Americans, particularly in the South. To most historians, white domination and unequal treatment of Negroes were assumed to be constants of the political and social landscapes since the nation’s conception. Prominent Southern historian C. Vann Woodward, however, permanently changed history’s naïve understanding of race in America through his book entitled The Strange Career of Jim Crow. His provocative thesis explored evidence that had previously been overlooked by historians and gave a fresh foundation for more research on the topic of racial policies of the United States.
Hahn discusses both the well-known struggle against white supremacy and the less examined conflicts within the black community. He tells of the remarkable rise of Southern blacks to local and state power and the white campaign to restore their version of racial order, disenfranchise blacks, and exclude them from politics. Blacks built many political and social structures to pursue their political goals, including organizations such as Union Leagues, the Colored Farmers’ Alliance, chapters of the Republican Party, and emigration organizations. Hahn used this part of the book to successfully recover the importance of black political action shaping their own history.
As an unabridged version of his other book, Eric Foner sets out to accomplish four main goals in A Short History of Reconstruction. These points enable the author to provide a smaller, but not neglectful, account of the United States during Reconstruction. By exploring the essence of the black experience, examining the ways in which Southern society evolved, the development of racial attitudes and race relations, and the complexities of race and class in the postwar South, as well as the emergence during the Civil War and Reconstruction of a national state possessing vastly expanded authority and a new set of purposes, Foner creates a narrative that encompasses some of the major issues during Reconstruction. Additionally, the author provides
... newspaper article shown by Woodward gave a picture of how new the idea of segregation was in the South. Woodward put it best when he stated, “The policies of proscription, segregation, and disfranchisement that are often described as the immutable ‘folkways’ of the South, impervious alike to legislative reform and armed intervention, are of a more recent origin.” (65) He wanted to show how the roots of the system were not integrated with slavery. Jim Crow laws and slavery were both horrible institutions, but they existed as two seperate entities. Woodward does not claim the South to be picturesque, because the Jim Crow laws were not established in the region. The South established Jim Crow laws and made them worse than found in the North. Woodward’s goal was not to protect the South’s legacy, but to give a clearer picture of the facts regarding the Jim Crow laws.
In studying the Southern defense of slavery, it appears that southerners were defending a way of life. Many believed that the institution of slavery was the lesser of two evils in terms of providing benefits for workers, others believed that it was at the very foundation of a free society to own slaves and still others saw it merely as an expedient means to an economic end. Although one may acknowledge that the South had understandable political, social and religious reasons for supporting the institution of slavery, the fundamental moral obligation to treat all humans as equals supercedes them all.
America has gone through many hardships and struggles since coming together as a nation involving war and changes in the political system. Many highly regarded leaders in America have come bestowing their own ideas and foundation to provide a better life for “Americans”, but no other war or political change is more infamous than the civil war and reconstruction. Reconstruction started in 1865 and ended in 1877 and still to date one of the most debated issues in American history on whether reconstruction was a failure or success as well as a contest over the memory, meaning, and ending of the war. According to, “Major Problems in American History” David W. Blight of Yale University and Steven Hahn of the University of Pennsylvania take different stances on the meaning of reconstruction, and what caused its demise. David W. Blight argues that reconstruction was a conflict between two solely significant, but incompatible objectives that “vied” for attention both reconciliation and emancipation. On the other hand Steven Hahn argues that former slaves and confederates were willing and prepared to fight for what they believed in “reflecting a long tradition of southern violence that had previously undergirded slavery” Hahn also believes that reconstruction ended when the North grew tired of the 16 year freedom conflict. Although many people are unsure, Hahn’s arguments presents a more favorable appeal from support from his argument oppose to Blight. The inevitable end of reconstruction was the North pulling federal troops from the south allowing white rule to reign again and proving time travel exist as freed Africans in the south again had their civil, political, and economical position oppressed.
People attending schools before 1960’s were learning about certain “unscrupulous carpetbaggers”, “traitorous scalawags”, and the “Radical Republicans”(223). According to the historians before the event of 1960’s revision, these people are the reason that the “white community of South banded together to overthrow these “black” governments and restore home rule”(223). While this might have been true if it was not for the fact that the “carpetbaggers were former Union soldiers”, “Scalawags… emerged as “Old Line” Whig Unionists”(227). Eric Foner wrote the lines in his thesis “The New View of Reconstruction” to show us how completely of target the historians before the 1960’s revision were in their beliefs.
The Cornerstone speech played a pivotal part in certain aspects of the way this nation has shaped out to be. Analyzing this document and other sources will give us insight on what was actually going on in the southern states and how the response of the northern
A veteran’s letter proved the surprising fact that the “Lost Cause” did not honor all ex-Confederates equally, and the differing treatment of veterans based on social status and titles proved that a major limit of the “Lost Cause” was that even the movement, which sought to glorify the South, was biased in favor of the upper class. This fact leads one to the conclusion that the “Lost Cause” was probably led by the upper class and was intended to restore the family honor of relatives of prominent officers. Andrews’ textbook proved that white supremacy was an important element of the “Lost Cause’s” ideology. The fact that the UDC approved the textbook also demonstrated how influential the UDC was on education, and the fact that this textbook was written from the perspective of a white man also proved that the “Lost Cause” wanted to teach children racist ideas in order to continue the belief in white supremacy. This makes one question whether or not the “Lost Cause” was worried that abolition and Reconstruction would teach children that white supremacy was wrong, and thereby end the “Southern way of life”. Taylor’s writing proved that racial violence was an important issue in the South that white Southerners were not concerned with
The North’s negligence also contributed to the end of Reconstruction. The North had failed to notice the many racially motivated atrocities that occurred in the South durin...
Imagine a historian, author of an award-winning dissertation and several books. He is an experienced lecturer and respected scholar; he is at the forefront of his field. His research methodology sets the bar for other academicians. He is so highly esteemed, in fact, that an article he has prepared is to be presented to and discussed by the United States’ oldest and largest society of professional historians. These are precisely the circumstances in which Ulrich B. Phillips wrote his 1928 essay, “The Central Theme of Southern History.” In this treatise he set forth a thesis which on its face is not revolutionary: that the cause behind which the South stood unified was not slavery, as such, but white supremacy. Over the course of fourteen elegantly written pages, Phillips advances his thesis with evidence from a variety of primary sources gleaned from his years of research. All of his reasoning and experience add weight to his distillation of Southern history into this one fairly simple idea, an idea so deceptively simple that it invites further study.